An introduction to Ayta Abellen Morphology and Syntax
Roger Stone and Wilhelm Nitsch
SIL International
Acknowledgements
Abstract
Ayta Abellen is spoken by a group of about 3000 speakers who are mostly Negritos, living mainly in the mountain area in the
western part of the Province of Tarlac and to a certain extent in the eastern part of the Province of Zambales. It is one
of five Ayta dialects spoken in an area ranging from Tarlac to Bataan. The purpose of this paper is to describe major features
of the phonology, morphophonemics, morphology and syntax of the Ayta Abellen language.
This document is a compilation of linguistic work done first by Wilhelm Nitsch and then Roger Stone on the Ayta Abellen language.
The Phonology section is the initial work of Wilhelm Nitsch. It needs updating and revision but it is a solid initial start.
The Morphophonemics section is also the initial work of Wilhelm Nitsch. It also needs further review but it has been foundational
to Stone's understanding of Abellen morphophonemics. The Morphology section is a combined work. The basic outline comes from
the Grammar Sketch output from FieldWorks Language Explorer. Nitsch's work on specific word classes Nitsch (2009) is inserted in the appropriate sections. The Syntax section is entirely the work of Roger Stone with the basic outline coming
from the output of PAWS (Parser and Writer of Syntax). Stone's work on the Morphology and Syntax was originally published
in the appendix of his M.A. thesis Stone (2010). The Appendix section entitled "Reference List for Case Markers and Linkers" is entirely from Nitsch (1998). The changes made were almost entirely related to linguistic labels and the need to use uniform labels throughout the document.
The Appendix section entitled "The Marked Topic Slot" is entirely the work of Stone, originally published as a working paper
Stone (2008). The language learning lessons are entirely the work of Wilhelm Nitsch. The changes made by Stone were to bring uniformity
to linguistic terms and orthography.
While Stone and Nitsch agree on the vast majority of analyses (thus making this combined document possible), each had started
with a different framework regarding case marking. Nitsch was influenced by Brainard (1994) in following Localist Case Grammar. Thus his original work used ergative, absolutive, and oblique labels. In Stone's thesis,
both a nominative/accusative approach as well as an ergative/accusative approach were modelled computationally in syntactic
parsing. It was determined that both systems required adhoc rules to achieve acceptable functionality. For this reason, Stone
has stuck with the labels most comfortable to him (nominative/accusative) throughout this document. This is done not in defiant
opposition of Nitsch and Brainard, but rather as a matter of convenience, with the humble belief that neither system works
flawlessly without some adjustments.
This is a work in progress. The verbal analysis, while providing a system for parsing virtually all Abellen verbs, is thin
in explanation of the complexities of the Abellen verbal system. It is also acknowledged that there are most certainly deficiencies
in my attempt to merge the work of two linguists into one unified description of the language. Future revisions of this work
will seek to address these issues as well as add material regarding Ayta discourse features (research ongoing).
Ayta Abellen is a Sambalic language and is phonologically similar to the other Ayta dialects in the area and to Botolan Sambal.
Research for this statement was done with Ayta Abellen speakers in Labney, Mayantoc, Tarlac and in Tangantangan, Maamot, San
Jose, Tarlac from April 1989 to February 1994.[1] Because the Ayta Abellen live in an area where Ilokano is the lingua franca, borrowed Ilokano words exist in Ayta Abellen
speech. Unless otherwise specified, statements in this paper refer to the phonological system of Ayta Abellen.
Ayta Abellen has two unambiguous syllables: CV and CVC.
(1) |
a. |
ka |
2SG.NOM |
CV |
b. |
kət |
and |
CVC |
|
In addition to the two unambiguous syllable patterns CV and CVC two more syllable patterns are needed: VC and V.
(2) |
a. |
ta'əʔ |
gabi root |
VC |
b. |
baəy |
house |
VC |
|
(3) |
a. |
?awo? |
yes |
V |
b. |
?bawo? |
widow, widower |
V |
|
Reasoning:
- The syllables [-əʔ], [-əy], [-oʔ], and [-o] are identified by syllable stress and pitch.
- Another reason is the usage of linkers (LK). In [babayin] `woman+LK' the LK -n is used, which is never used after a consonant.
Stress in Ayta Abellen is not predictable. There is primary stress, and secondary stress. One-syllable words, such as particles,
have no inherent word stress. In words with a syllable break between consonants or vowels both syllables may carry equal stress,
or the stress alternates between these syllables. In the examples below primary stress is marked by ", and secondary stress
by '. Polysyllabic words usually have one primary stress and, if more than three syllables long, a secondary stress. Suffixation
seems to cause stress to shift.[3]
(4) |
a. |
[pçʔ] |
/pçʔ/ |
still, first |
b. |
["dam"wag] |
/damwag/ |
water buffalo |
c. |
["baəy]~[ba"əy] |
/baəy/ |
house |
d. |
[ha"ʔa] |
/ha"ʔa/ |
banana |
e. |
[kabó"nçʔ] |
/kabó"nçʔ/ |
enemy |
f. |
['dalaʔî"dîʔ] |
/'dalaʔî"dîʔ/ |
to drizzle |
|
The ambiguous segments [î] and [ó] are interpreted as consonants [y] and [w] respectively when they occur as syllable onset or coda and as [î] and [ó] when they occur as syllable peak. This interpretation is based on unambiguous syllable patterns and it is supported
by the fact that [w] and [y] are never preceded or followed by a glottal stop belonging to the same syllable as it is done in the case of vowels.
[ó]/[w]
(5) |
a. |
[way] |
/way/ |
which |
b. |
[ha'təw] |
/ha'təw/ |
before |
c. |
[nó¿] |
/nó¿/ |
if |
d. |
[¿a'ó¿] |
/¿a'ó¿/ |
yes |
e. |
[ko] |
/ko/ |
1SG.GEN |
f. |
[pa'ó¿] |
/pa'ó¿/ |
mango |
|
[î]/[y]
(6) |
a. |
[ya] |
/ya/ |
he |
b. |
[bçy] |
/bçy/ |
and |
c. |
[mî] |
/mî/ |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
d. |
[nîn] |
/nîn/ |
GEN |
e. |
[ka'î] |
/ka'î/ |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
f. |
[na'î¿] |
/na'î¿/ |
QUES |
|
There are no unambiguous consonant clusters in word initial or word final position; consequently, nonhomorganic consonants
occuring in word medial clusters are assumed to belong to the coda of one syllable and to the onset of the following syllable
(see (7)). On the basis of this pattern long consonants are interpreted as sequences of two consonants rather than one segment.
(7) |
a. |
[¿əb¿əb] |
/¿əb¿əb/ |
type of banana |
b. |
[pakpak] |
/pakpak/ |
bite |
|
Examples of long consonants and their interpretation are:
(8) |
a. |
[gəd'dəŋ] |
/gəd'dəŋ/ |
end |
b. |
[ka'tónno] |
/ka'tónno/ |
brother |
c. |
['talîlîak] |
/'tallak/ |
Tarlac |
d. |
[gay'yəm] |
/gay'yəm/ |
friend |
e. |
[mag'gapa] |
/mag'gapa/ |
cut off[4] |
f. |
[['kammî] |
/'kammî/ |
1PL.EXCL.DAT[5] |
|
Long vowels are interpreted as sequences of two vowels by analogy with the unambiguous syllable patterns. Long vowels occur
in lexical morphemes where the placement of stress and pitch supports this interpretation. The second vowel usually carries
the stress:
(9) |
a. |
[ma'ambal] |
/ma'ambal/ |
python |
b. |
[do'on] |
/do'on/ |
boundary |
|
Long vowels also occur in grammatical morphemes where they are phonemic, usually having a short counterpart in identical environment.
Unlike long vowels in lexical morphemes, the second vowel never carries the stress in grammatical morphemes:
(10) |
a. |
[maŋga'wa¿] |
/maŋga'wa¿/ |
to clear |
b. |
[ma:ŋga'wa¿] |
/maaŋga'wa¿/ |
the person clearing[6] |
|
The ambiguous vowel sequences are segmented as follows, the reason always being the unambiguous VV sequences:
(11) |
a. |
[ma'¿aóŋ] |
/'ma'¿aóŋ/ |
well |
CV.CV.VC |
|
Loan words may contain ambiguous vowel sequences and non-homorganic sequentially modified sequences.
Ambiguous vowel sequences in loan words are dealt with according to the segmentation of these sequences in indigenous words
(see 2.1.3.2.3). Non-homorganic sequentially modified sequences sequences only occur in loan words. They are also dealt with according to
the unambiguous syllable patterns.
(12) |
a. |
['waîbeh] |
/'waybih/ |
Thursday |
b. |
['bîalneh] |
/'bîalnih/ |
Friday |
c. |
['kóalta] |
/'kóalta/ |
money |
|
(13) |
|
CONSONANTS |
|
bilabial |
alveolar |
palatal/velar |
glottal |
Stops |
voiceless |
p |
t |
k |
¿ |
voiced |
b |
d |
g |
|
Continuants |
nasals |
m |
n |
ŋ |
|
non-nasals |
w |
l |
y |
h |
|
(14) |
|
VOWELS |
-bk |
+bk |
+hi |
i |
o |
-hi |
a |
ə[7] |
|
p/b
(15) |
a. |
[pó'tók] |
/po'tok/ |
shooting |
b. |
[bó'tç¿] |
/bo'to¿/ |
penis |
c. |
['bapa¿] |
/'bapa¿/ |
father |
d. |
['baba¿] |
/'baba¿/ |
chin |
e. |
[¿a'təp] |
/¿a'təp/ |
roof |
f. |
[kə'təb] |
/kə'təb/ |
to stop |
|
p/m
(16) |
a. |
['pawa¿] |
/'pawa¿/ |
pure |
b. |
['maway] |
/'maway/ |
wide |
c. |
[da'pat] |
/da'pat/ |
work |
d. |
[da'ma¿] |
/da'ma¿/ |
broken |
e. |
[¿i'dap] |
/¿i'dap/ |
difficulty |
f. |
[hi'am] |
/hi'am/ |
nine |
|
p/w
(17) |
a. |
[pana'¿çn |
/pana'¿on/ |
time |
b. |
[wana'bay] |
/wana'bay/ |
all |
c. |
['bapa¿] |
/'bapa¿/ |
father |
d. |
['pawa¿] |
/'pawa¿/ |
pure |
e. |
[haglap] |
/haglap/ |
help |
f. |
[bəklaw] |
/bəklaw/ |
throat |
|
b/m
(18) |
a. |
[ba'na¿] |
/ba'na¿/ |
about |
b. |
[ma'nçk] |
/ma'nok/ |
bird |
c. |
[ta'ba¿] |
/ta'ba¿/ |
oil |
d. |
[da'ma¿] |
/da'ma¿/ |
broken |
|
b/w
(19) |
a. |
[bay] |
/bay/ |
EMPH |
b. |
[way] |
/way/ |
which |
c. |
[ló'bəd] |
/lo'bəd/ |
anus |
d. |
[ya'wəd] |
/ya'wəd/ |
betel |
|
m/w
(20) |
a. |
[manó'yaŋ] |
/mano'yaŋ/ |
child in law |
b. |
[wana'bay] |
/wana'bay/ |
all |
c. |
[tali'ma¿] |
/tali'ma¿/ |
guard |
d. |
[¿ali'wa] |
/¿ali'wa/ |
not |
|
t/d
(21) |
a. |
[ta'pol] |
/ta'pol/ |
search |
b. |
[da'pah] |
/da'pah/ |
stone |
c. |
[bó'tç¿] |
/bo'to¿/ |
penis |
d. |
[kó'dçl] |
/ko'dol/ |
thunder |
e. |
[¿a'gat] |
/¿a'gat/ |
old |
f. |
[ga'gad] |
/ga'gad/ |
only |
|
t/n
(22) |
a. |
[tó'bo¿] |
/to'bo¿/ |
growing |
b. |
[no'ba¿] |
/no'ba¿/ |
but |
c. |
[¿ə'tak] |
/¿ə'tak/ |
machete |
d. |
[¿a'nak] |
/¿a'nak/ |
child |
e. |
['kalçt] |
/'kalot/ |
trap |
f. |
['talçn] |
/'talon/ |
field |
|
t/l
(23) |
a. |
[ta] |
/ta/ |
1DU.GEN |
b. |
[la] |
/la/ |
3PL.GEN |
c. |
[bî'tî] |
/bi'ti/ |
foot |
d. |
[bî'lî] |
/bi'li/ |
price |
e. |
[po'¿çt] |
/po'¿ot/ |
anger |
f. |
[to'¿çl] |
/to'¿ol/ |
knee |
|
t/y
(24) |
a. |
[ta] |
/ta/ |
1DU.GEN |
b. |
[ya] |
/ya/ |
3SG.NOM |
c. |
[¿a'təp] |
/¿a'təp/ |
roof |
d. |
[¿a'yəp] |
/¿a'yəp/ |
piglet |
e. |
['kawat] |
/'kawat/ |
sweet potato |
f. |
['maway] |
/'maway/ |
wide |
|
d/n
(25) |
a. |
['daî] |
/'dai/ |
wish |
b. |
[na'î¿] |
/na'i¿/ |
QUES |
c. |
[la'dak] |
/la'dak/ |
coconut oil |
d. |
[¿a'nak] |
/¿a'nak/ |
child |
e. |
[¿a'lad] |
/¿a'lad/ |
fence |
f. |
[ŋa'lan] |
/ŋa'lan/ |
name |
|
d/l
(26) |
a. |
['dada¿] |
/'dada¿/ |
aunt |
b. |
['ladək] |
/'ladək/ |
scum of coconut |
c. |
[hó'dît] |
/ho'dit/ |
vagina |
d. |
[¿ó'lî¿] |
/¿o'li¿/ |
to go home' |
e. |
[ga'gad] |
/ga'gad/ |
only |
f. |
[ló'gal] |
/lo'gal/ |
place |
|
d/y
(27) |
a. |
[da'gîh] |
/da'gih/ |
rat |
b. |
[ya'tî] |
/ya'ti/ |
this |
c. |
[dî'kado] |
/di'kado/ |
mixture |
d. |
[ka'bayo] |
/ka'bayo/ |
horse |
e. |
[tə'¿əd] |
/tə'¿əd/ |
really |
f. |
[lə'¿əy] |
/lə'¿əy/ |
neck |
|
n/l
(28) |
a. |
[na] |
/na/ |
now |
b. |
[la] |
/la/ |
3PL.GEN |
c. |
[¿a'nak] |
/¿a'nak/ |
child |
d. |
[¿a'lad] |
/¿a'lad/ |
fence |
e. |
[ta'¿çn] |
/ta'¿on/ |
year |
f. |
[to'¿çl] |
/to'¿ol/ |
knee |
|
n/y
(29) |
a. |
[na] |
/na/ |
now |
b. |
[ya] |
/ya/ |
3SG.NOM |
c. |
['pano] |
/'pano/ |
how |
d. |
[['bayo] |
/['bayo/ |
new |
e. |
[la'man] |
/la'man/ |
body |
f. |
[gala'may] |
/gala'may/ |
finger |
|
l/y
(30) |
a. |
[la] |
/la/ |
3PL.GEN |
b. |
[ya] |
/ya/ |
3SG.NOM |
c. |
[dó'yo] |
/do'yo/ |
corner |
d. |
[gó'lo] |
/go'lo/ |
trouble |
|
k/g
(31) |
a. |
[kó'dçl] |
/ko'dol/ |
thunder |
b. |
[gó'dabî] |
/go'dabi/ |
match |
c. |
[takyay] |
/takyay/ |
arm |
d. |
[tagyaŋ] |
/tagyaŋ/ |
rib |
e. |
['tóapçk] |
/'toapok/ |
dust |
f. |
['¿apçg] |
/'¿apog/ |
shell powder |
|
k/ŋ
(32) |
a. |
[kî'ta] |
/ki'ta/ |
1DU.NOM |
b. |
[ŋî'pən] |
/ŋi'pən/ |
tooth |
c. |
[bə'kah] |
/bə'kah/ |
tomorrow |
d. |
[bə'ŋat] |
/bə'ŋat/ |
only |
e. |
[¿ə'tak] |
//¿ə'tak/ |
machete |
f. |
[¿a'taŋ] |
/¿a'taŋ/ |
stove |
|
g/ŋ
(33) |
a. |
[ga'tçh] |
/ga'toh/ |
times hundred |
b. |
[ŋa'lan] |
/ŋa'lan/ |
name |
c. |
['kagət] |
/'kagət/ |
cargo |
d. |
['maŋəd] |
/'maŋəd/ |
good |
e. |
[pə'təg] |
/pə'təg/ |
true |
f. |
[na'təŋ] |
/na'təŋ/ |
vegetables |
|
¿/h[8]
(34) |
a. |
[¿o] |
/¿o/ |
or |
b. |
[ho] |
/ho/ |
finger nail |
c. |
[tó`¿çl] |
/to`¿ol/ |
knee |
d. |
[pó'hç¿] |
/po'ho¿/ |
heart |
e. |
[ta'ə¿] |
/ta'ə¿/ |
taro plant |
f. |
[¿ó'əh] |
/¿o'əh/ |
blanket |
|
m/n
(35) |
a. |
[ma-] |
/ma-/ |
CTPLT |
b. |
[na-] |
/na-/ |
PRF |
c. |
[da'ma¿] |
/da'ma¿/ |
destroy |
d. |
[ba'na¿] |
/ba'na¿/ |
about |
e. |
[la'nóm] |
/la'nom/ |
water |
f. |
[¿ó'món] |
/¿o'mon/ |
how |
|
m/ŋ
(36) |
a. |
[ma'nçk] |
/ma'nok/ |
bird |
b. |
[ŋa'lan] |
/ŋa'lan/ |
name |
c. |
[la'man] |
/la'man/ |
body |
d. |
[ta'ŋan] |
/ta'ŋan/ |
thumb |
e. |
[la'nóm] |
/la'nom/ |
water |
f. |
[¿ó'dóŋ] |
/¿o'doŋ/ |
return |
|
n/ŋ
(37) |
a. |
[kə'na¿] |
/kə'na¿/ |
meat |
b. |
[bə'ŋat] |
/bə'ŋat/ |
only |
c. |
[ta'¿çn] |
/ta'¿on/ |
year |
d. |
[ta'tçŋ] |
/ta'toŋ/ |
eggplant |
|
w/y
(38) |
a. |
[wa'î] |
/wa'i/ |
which |
b. |
[ya'ó¿] |
/ya'o¿/ |
arrow |
c. |
['bawaŋ] |
/'bawaŋ/ |
garlic |
d. |
['bayad] |
/'bayad/ |
pay |
e. |
[ha'təw] |
/ha'təw/ |
before |
f. |
[pa'təy] |
/pa'təy/ |
die |
|
i/a
(39) |
a. |
[tî¿] |
/ti¿/ |
NOM |
b. |
[ta¿] |
/ta¿/ |
for |
|
i/ə
(40) |
a. |
[kî'dîŋ] |
/ki'diŋ/ |
forehead |
b. |
[gə'dəŋ] |
/gə'dəŋ/ |
end |
|
i/u
(41) |
a. |
[mî] |
/mi/ |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
b. |
[mo] |
/mo/ |
2SG.GEN |
|
a/ə
(42) |
a. |
[[¿a'taŋ] |
/¿a'taŋ/ |
stove |
b. |
[na'təŋ] |
/na'təŋ/ |
vegetables |
|
a/o
(43) |
a. |
[bay] |
/bay/ |
EMPH |
b. |
[boy] |
/boy/ |
and |
|
ə/o
(44) |
a. |
[nə¿] |
/nə¿/ |
GEN |
b. |
[nó¿] |
/no¿/ |
if |
|
/p/ is a voiceless unaspirated bilabial stop, which has the two allophones [p] and [p̚]. [p] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(45) |
a. |
[pa'day] |
/pa'day/ |
rice |
b. |
[ta'pól] |
/ta'pol/ |
search |
|
[p̚] is unreleased[9] and occurs only as syllable coda or utterance final.
(46) |
a. |
[map'lə] |
/map'lə/ |
strong |
b. |
[¿i'dap] |
/¿i'dap/ |
difficult |
|
/b/ is a voiced unaspirated bilabial stop, which has the two allophones [b] and [b]. [b] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(47) |
a. |
[ban'lat] |
/ban'lat/ |
border sign |
b. |
[ta'baʔ] |
/ta'baʔ/ |
oil |
|
[b] is unreleased and occurs only as syllable coda or utterance final.
(48) |
a. |
[kə'təb] |
/kə'təb/ |
to stop |
b. |
[ʔəbʔəb] |
/ʔəbʔəb/ |
kind of banana |
|
Note that all alveolar stops are pronounced with the tongue touching the back of the teeth.
/t/ is a voiceless, unaspirated alveolar stop which has the two allophones [t] and [t̚]. [t] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(49) |
a. |
[ta'pól] |
/ta'pol/ |
search |
b. |
[ʔə'tak] |
/ʔə'tak/ |
machete |
|
[t̚] is unreleased and occurs only as syllable coda or utterance final.
(50) |
a. |
[gu'lçt] |
/go'lot/ |
back (of a person) |
b. |
[tat'lo] |
/tat'lo/ |
three |
|
/d/ is a voiced, unaspirated alveolar stop which has two allophones: [d] and [d]. [d] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(51) |
a. |
[da'pah] |
/da'pah/ |
stone |
b. |
[ku'dçl] |
/ko'dol/ |
thunder |
|
[d] is unreleased and occurs only as syllable coda or utterance final.
(52) |
a. |
[hadtan] |
/hadtan/ |
tell |
b. |
[ʔa'ladl] |
/ʔa'lad/ |
fence |
|
/k/ is a voiceless, unaspirated back velar stop, which is pronounced further back in the oral cavity than the usual voiceless
velar stop. It has two allophones: [k] and [k̚]. [k] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(53) |
a. |
[ki'ta] |
/ki'ta/ |
1DU.NOM |
b. |
[bó'kçdl] |
/bo'kod/ |
alone |
|
[k̚] is unreleased and occurs only as syllable coda or utterance final.
(54) |
a. |
[pak̚'pak̚] |
/pak'pak/ |
bite |
b. |
[bó'kçdl] |
/bo'kod/ |
machete |
|
/g/ is a voiced, unaspirated back velar stop, which is pronounced further back in the oral cavity than the usual voiced velar
stop. It has two allophones: [g] and [g]. [g] is released and occurs only as syllable onset.
(55) |
a. |
[ga'mə̚t] |
/ga'mət/ |
hand |
b. |
[pa'gawl] |
/pa'gaw/ |
chest |
|
[g] is unreleased and occurs only as syllable coda.
(56) |
a. |
[bógtçŋ] |
/bogtoŋ/ |
only |
b. |
[pə'təgl] |
/pə'təg/ |
true |
|
/ʔ/ is a voiceless glottal stop. It occurs as onset and coda.
(57) |
a. |
[ʔî'dap] |
/ʔî'dap/ |
difficult |
b. |
[bi'ʔayl] |
/bi'ʔay/ |
live |
c. |
[pîʔpîʔl] |
/piʔpiʔ/ |
rice bird |
d. |
[ga'waʔl] |
/ga'waʔ/ |
to clear |
|
/h/ [h] is a voiceless glottal fricative. It occurs as onset and coda.
(58) |
a. |
[hî'dəm] |
/hi'dəm/ |
ant |
b. |
[pó'hçʔl] |
/po'hoʔ/ |
heart |
c. |
['îhtî] |
/'ihti/ |
here |
d. |
[ʔó'əhl] |
/ʔó'əh/ |
blanket |
|
/m/ [m] is a voiced bilabial nasal. It occurs as onset and coda.
(59) |
a. |
[ma'nçk] |
/ma'nok/ |
bird |
b. |
[tambakl] |
/tambak/ |
dike |
c. |
[la'nóm] |
/la'nom/ |
water |
|
/n/ [n] is a voiced dental nasal. It occurs as onset and coda.
(60) |
a. |
['nobaʔ] |
/'nobaʔ/ |
but |
b. |
[ʔantîk̚]] |
/ʔantik/ |
kind of ant |
c. |
[ʔî'hən] |
/ʔi'hən/ |
there |
|
/ŋ/ [ŋ] is a voiced velar nasal. It occurs as onset and coda.
(61) |
a. |
[ŋa'lan] |
/ŋa'lan/ |
name |
b. |
[tóŋtóŋ] |
/toŋtoŋ/ |
converse |
c. |
[kî'diŋ] |
/ki'diŋ/ |
forehead |
|
/l/ is a voiced dental lateral. It has the two allophones [l] and [lî]. [l] occurs as onset and coda, except in sequence with a second identical consonant.
(62) |
a. |
['labçk ] |
/'labok/ |
hair |
b. |
[malya'dî] |
/malya'di/ |
possible |
c. |
[ló'gal] |
/lo'gal/ |
location |
|
[lî] is velarized and occurs only word medial in sequence with a second identical consonant.
(63) |
a. |
[talîlîak] |
/tallak/ |
(city of) Tarlac |
|
/w/ [w] is a voiced rounded bilabial semivowel. It occurs as syllable onset and coda.
(64) |
a. |
[way] |
/way/ |
which |
b. |
['banwa] |
/'banwa/ |
town |
c. |
[bantaw] |
/bantaw/ |
shoulder |
|
/y/ [y] is a voiced unrounded palatal semivowel. It occurs as onset and coda.
(65) |
a. |
[ya'wəd ] |
/ya'wəd / |
betel nut |
b. |
['ʔayta] |
/'ʔayta/ |
Ayta |
c. |
[bó'yək̚]] |
/bo'yək/ |
piglet |
d. |
['maway] |
/'maway/ |
wide |
|
/i/ [î] or [e] is a front unrounded vowel normally high open but ranging to mid open in a few cases. It occurs as syllable peak in all
word positions.
(66) |
a. |
[bîtó'ka ] |
/bito'ka / |
belly |
b. |
[ham'pîlot] |
/ham'pilot/ |
sweet rice soup |
c. |
[kóm'padî] |
/kom'padi/ |
male sponsor |
d. |
['ʔîhtî]~['ʔehte] |
/'ʔihti/ |
here |
|
/a/ [a] is a low open central unrounded vowel. It occurs as syllable peak in all word positions.
(67) |
a. |
[ham'pîlçt ] |
/ham'pilot / |
sweet rice soup |
b. |
[hón'dalo] |
/hon'dalo/ |
soldier |
c. |
[bîtó'ka] |
/bito'ka/ |
belly |
|
/ə/ is a mid close back unrounded vowel, and occurs as syllable peak in all word positions.
(68) |
a. |
[bə'bəy ] |
/bə'bəy / |
mouth |
b. |
[tîb'ʔə] |
/tib'ʔə/ |
to bark at |
|
/o/ is a back rounded vowel. It occurs as syllable peak and has the two allophones [ç], [o], and [ó] .
[ç] is a mid open back rounded vowel and occurs in final CVC syllables of a word, except immediately following [a].
[o] is a mid closed back rounded vowel and occurs in final non-CVC syllables of a word, except immediately following [a] .
(69) |
a. |
[yo] |
/yo/ |
3PL.GEN |
b. |
[badî'o] |
/badi'o/ |
barangay |
c. |
[bó'oʔ] |
/bo'oʔ/ |
widow |
d. |
[ʔa'ho] |
/ʔa'ho/ |
dog |
e. |
[ham'pîlot] |
/ham'pilot/sweet rice soup |
|
[ó] is a high open back rounded vowel and occurs in the final syllable of CVV and CVVC words after [a], and in nonfinal syllables syllables with other syllable patterns.
(70) |
a. |
[ka'ó] |
/ka'o/ |
2PL.NOM |
b. |
[ʔa'óʔ] |
/ʔa'oʔ/ |
yes |
c. |
[gó'lo] |
/go'lo/ |
quarrel |
d. |
[móh'kada] |
/moh'kada/ |
tobacco |
|
The orthography for Ayta Abellen should as much as possible conform to Tagalog, the national language of the Philippines.
However, since Ilokano, spoken as second language by most of the Abellen, is the lingua franca throughout the area where Ayta
Abellen is spoken, and since the Botolan Sambal hymn book is used in some churches[10], the orthography of Ayta Abellen should also conform to the tradition of these languages if possible.
The following list of phonemes could lead to an initial orthography. The symbols with the asterisk (*) are the ones that need
special consideration.
(71) |
|
Phonemes |
Allophonic variation |
Orthographic symbols |
/p/ |
[p] [p] |
p |
/b/ |
[b] [b] |
b |
/t/ |
[t] [t] |
t |
/d/ |
[d] [d] |
d |
/k/ |
[k] [k] |
k[11] |
/g/ |
[g] [g] |
g |
/ʔ/ |
[ʔ] |
(written as -)[12] |
/h/ |
[h] |
h[13] |
/m/ |
[m] |
m |
/n/ |
[n] |
n |
/ŋ/ |
[ŋ] |
ng |
/l/ |
[l] [lî] |
l |
/w/ |
[w] |
w |
/y/ |
[y] |
y*[14] |
/i/ |
[i] [e] |
i |
/a/ |
[a] |
a |
/ə/ |
[ə] |
e[15] |
/o/ |
[ɔ] [o] [ó] |
o[16] |
|
Additionally, the following symbols are used in loan words and names: s, r, c (for [k]), j, and probably some others.
In summary I would suggest that the consonants be written as p, t, k, (glottal stop not written), b, d, g, h, m, n, ng, l, w, y, and vowels as i, a, e (for the mid back unrounded vowel), and o. For loan words and names the symbols s, r, c, j and possibly others will be necessary.
Lengthened vowels in words like /da:n/ 'way' may be written with ā to show grammatical differences as in manggawa `to clear' vs. mānggawa `the person clearing' .
I would like to separate all pronouns from adjacent words since two-syllable pronouns carry stress and are thereby considered
as separate phonological words. The only problem I see with that is that the first person singular pronoun ako `I' (used as topic) is always one phonological unit with the preceding word, i.e., there is no initial glottal stop in ako (the initial glottal stop is only inserted in isolation). Likewise the linker a should be written separately from the following word to avoid words like aaanak `LK+PL+child'. Attaching this linker to the preceding word could be considered as this is done with other linkers. For example, where
the adverb na is realized using the LK -y, the linker is attached to the preceding word. At normal speech speed, the linker a is phonetically attached to the preceding word by omitting the glottal stop, whereas the glottal stop of the linker a is maintained following a word ending in a vowal. But even after a consonant the LK a is pronounced with a glottal stop when the speaker "has to think" before continuing speaking. Because unlike in Tagalog,
the enclitic adverb na forms always a phonological unit with the preceding word and is connected to it by a linker it should
not be written as a separate word but as one word with it except when the linker a is used (for the same reason that I mentioned above concerning the linker a).
(72) |
|
proposed |
alternatives |
gloss |
akoyna |
ako yna or akoy na |
I now |
malyadina |
malyadi na |
It is ready now |
maamot ana |
maamota na |
It's already hot |
kaganaan a |
kaganaana |
all, LK |
kangko a |
kangkoa |
mine, LK |
peteg a |
petega |
true+LK |
mo a |
moa |
your, LK |
yain a |
yaina |
that, LK |
|
Nothing has been decided yet in this area.
As I see it, there should be no problem in not marking stress. Up to now I only found one or two minimal pairs distinguished
by stress.
Here the Ilokano (but I don't know how it's done) or Filipino should be followed.
For the beginning I would like to show assimilation within words and write the -N as it occurs phonetically. Across word boundaries, assimilation does not need to be or should not be shown in my opinion.
Vowels deleted from the root should not be written to avoid emphatic reading.
Loan words which are completely assimilated to Abellen will be spelled as they are pronounced.
- Stress shift caused by suffixation. See2.1.2
- The usage of lengthened vowels See 2.1.3.2.2, and footnote 7, p.5. See also 2.1.3.2.2.
- Vowel sequences It has been questioned if words like [ta'əʔ] 'gabi root' has one syllable, as in CVV, or two syllables, as in CV.V (see 2.1.1). It has been suggested to ask the following questions to clarify the issue.
- Do both [aə] and [əa] occur in words?
- For other sequences, for example [au], do both orders occur (without being separated by a glottal stop); e.g. [au] and [ua]? If vowel sequences have few distribution restrictions, and [u] and [i] can occur in both vowel positions in a [VV] sequence, then it is preferrable to interprete [aə] or [au] or [ai] and all other vowels sequences as a sequence of two vowels (rather than a single segment diphthong).
- Can stress occur on the first vowel in a VV sequence as well as the second vowel, or is stress always on the second vowel
in the sequence. In order to anlyse VV as peaks of two separate syllables with a syllable boundary between the two vowels
(i.e. V.V), there must be evidence that either syllable can be stressed.
- Another possible test for determining number of syllables in a VV sequence is to ask Ayta Abellen speakers to say words syllable
by syllable. Similarily, one could consider, how many beats do the words with VV sequences have (let the LA clap to each syllable).
- One last possibility which would make the solution much simpler is that there may be a very weak glottal stop between vowels
in words such as [taəʔ] and [kai].
- The palatal voiceless fricative [x] See [9].
- The phonology of the rounded back vowels See the description of the phoneme /o/ and its allophones [ɔ], [o], and [ó] and [13] to [15]. Especially the occurance of the mid open back rounded vowel [ó] should be checked, but the whole make up of this phoneme remained somewhat nebulous.
The linker -y which occurs with a word ending on a vowel is replaced by a with words ending on a consonant.
(74) |
a. |
loway baey |
‘two houses’ |
b. |
apat a baey |
‘four houses’ |
c. |
kaginta[17] a baey |
‘big house’ |
|
In existential and possessive phrases only, the linker -n is used which can be deleted after a word ending on -n.
(75) |
a. |
Homain yan beyah. |
‘He has no rice.’ |
b. |
Homain beyah. |
‘There is no rice.’ |
|
(76) |
a. |
he’lep + -om- → homlep |
to enter |
b. |
ke’teb + ma- → mak’teb |
able to stop |
c. |
le’pad + -om- → lom’pad |
to fly |
d. |
ta’nem + -an → taneman => tam’nan[18] |
to plant |
e. |
ka’lih + -en → kalihen => kal’yen[19] |
to dig |
f. |
ha’bet + -an → ‘habtan |
to say |
g. |
la’kew + -en → lak’wen |
place to go to |
h. |
ka’get + -en → kadten[20] |
to carry |
i. |
ma’la + ma--an → mamala’an → mamal’an |
to dry |
|
(77) |
a. |
ha’liw + man- → manhaliw → mana’liw |
to buy |
b. |
man- + kan → mankan → mahkan[21] → ma’han |
to eat(AV) |
c. |
m- + la’kew → ma’kew |
to go |
d. |
maN- +pa- → mama- |
AV+CAUS |
e. |
ka’lih + -en → kalihen → kal’yen[22] |
to dig |
|
(78) |
a. |
paN- + pe’teg → pamteg |
believing |
b. |
maika- + tatlo → maikatlo |
third |
c. |
naki- + hebat → nakibat |
to answer, PFV |
|
(79) |
mabi’til + a’koyna → mabi'til[23] a’koyna |
I’m hungry now |
|
(80) |
a. |
ba’bol + -en → babo’len |
to tie up |
b. |
‘kam‘po + nag--an → nagkampo‘an |
to set up camp |
c. |
ta’pol + -en → tapo’len |
to look for |
d. |
ha’liw + -en → hali’wen |
to buy, OV |
|
(81) |
a. |
‘mani + ‘apat → man’yepat[24] |
four each |
b. |
‘mani + ‘anem → man’yenem[25] |
six each |
|
The ‘N’ assimilates to specific properties of the first consonant of the root which is then often deleted.
paN- → pam- / ___ {b,p,m,o[26]}
paN- → pan- / ___ {d,t,l,n,y}
paN- → pang- / ___ {g,k,h,V[27]}
paN- → pal-[28] / ___ {l}
kaN- → kam-[29] / ___ {m}
kaN- → kan-[30] / ___ {n,t,l,y}
kaN- → kang- / ___ {k}
(82) |
a. |
habet + an → habtan → hadtan[31] |
to say |
b. |
kaget + -en → kad’ten |
to carry |
|
(83) |
a. |
ma.ni + a.pat → man.ye.pat |
four each |
b. |
di.ag + -en → di.agen → dya.gen → day.gen |
to do, OV |
c. |
limo + angka--an → ang.ka.lim.wan |
to be afraid |
d. |
loa + maika- → ma.i.kal.wa |
second |
e. |
koa + na- → nak.wa |
to get |
|
(84) |
ba’bai + ba- → ,'ba:ba’i |
pl. of female |
|
(85) |
a. |
di’ag + -en → dia’gen → dya’gen → day’gen |
to do, OV |
b. |
pe’teh + -en → pet’hen → peh’ten |
to bind using bamboo |
c. |
ta’nem + -an → taneman → tanman → tam’nan |
to plant |
|
(86) |
a. |
a + yain → aynin |
LK+that |
b. |
a + yati → ayti |
LK+this |
|
This section gives a preliminary sketch of Ayta Abellen morphology following a basic item-and-arrangement model. The sketch
covers the following topics:
- Phonemes in section 2.1.4.
- Morpheme types in section 4.3.
- Word categories in section 4.4.
- Inflection in section 4.5.
- Derivation in section 4.6.
- Clitics in section 4.7.
- Morpho-syntactic feature system in section 4.8.
- Allomorphy in section 4.9.
- Natural classes in section 4.10.
- Residue in section 4.11.
Ayta Abellen has 20 phonemes as shown in the following table (the first column shows the orthographic representations):
Representation |
Basic IPA Symbol |
Name |
Description |
' |
ʔ |
ʔ |
glottal stop |
- |
ʔ |
ʔ |
glottal stop |
a |
a |
a |
low central unrounded vowel |
ā |
aː |
ā |
lengthened open front unrounded vowel |
b |
b |
b |
voiced bilabial stop |
d |
d |
d |
voiced alveolar stop |
e |
e |
e |
close central unrounded vowel |
g |
g |
g |
voiced velar stop |
h |
h |
h |
glottal fricative |
i |
i |
i |
high front unrounded vowel |
k |
k |
k |
voiceless velar stop |
l |
l |
l |
alveolar lateral |
m |
m |
m |
bilabial nasal |
n |
n |
n |
alveolar nasal |
ng |
ŋ |
ŋ |
velar nasal |
o |
o |
o |
mid back rounded vowel |
p |
p |
p |
voiceless bilabial stop |
t |
t |
t |
voiceless alveolar stop |
u |
u |
u |
high back rounded vowel |
w |
w |
w |
voiced labial-velar approximant |
y |
y |
y |
close front rounded vowel |
Words in this analysis of Ayta Abellen are formed from morphemes of 8 types. The following table lists the types along with
a count of how many instances are in the lexicon. Section 4.3 lists some or all of these.
Count |
Name |
Description |
Appendix |
2 |
circumfix |
A circumfix is an affix made up of two separate parts which surround and attach to a root or stem. |
D.3.1 |
19 |
enclitic |
An enclitic is a clitic that is phonologically joined at the end of a preceding word to form a single unit. Orthographically,
it may attach to the preceding word.
|
D.3.2 |
4 |
infix |
An infix is an affix that is inserted within a root or stem. |
D.3.3 |
35 |
phrase |
A phrase is a syntactic structure that consists of more than one word but lacks the subject-predicate organization of a clause. |
D.3.4 |
51 |
prefix |
A prefix is an affix that is joined before a root or stem. |
D.3.5 |
3548 |
root |
A root is the portion of a word that (i) is common to a set of derived or inflected forms, if any, when all affixes are removed,
(ii) is not further analyzable into meaningful elements, being morphologically simple, and, (iii) carries the principle portion
of meaning of the words in which it functions.
|
D.3.6 |
547 |
stem |
"A stem is the root or roots of a word, together with any derivational affixes, to which inflectional affixes are added."
(LinguaLinks Library). A stem "may consist solely of a single root morpheme (i.e. a 'simple' stem as in man), or of two root morphemes (e.g. a 'compound' stem, as in blackbird), or of a root morpheme plus a derivational affix (i.e. a 'complex' stem, as in manly, unmanly, manliness). All have in common
the notion that it is to the stem that inflectional affixes are attached" (Crystal 1997).
|
D.3.7 |
2 |
suffix |
A suffix is an affix that is attached to the end of a root or stem. |
This appendix lists morphemes by morphological type. Only the first ten morphemes will be listed for each morphological type.
This subsection lists all the instances.
ka- -an
|
'STA GV'
|
ka- -an
|
'COLL'
|
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
=ana
|
'now'
|
=awod
|
'so'
|
=bay
|
'EMPH'
|
=bega
|
'absolutely'
|
=bengat
|
'just'
|
=dayi
|
'OPT'
|
=ingat
|
'on other hand'
|
=kano
|
'it is said'
|
=lagi
|
'possibly'
|
=laweh
|
'uncertainty'
|
This subsection lists all the instances.
-in-
|
'PFV, OV'
|
-in-
|
'PFV'
|
-om-
|
'AV '
|
-om-
|
'PV'
|
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
agyamakanoman
|
'whenever'
|
aniton balang
|
'evil spirit'
|
Apo Dioh
|
'God'
|
balita kothido
|
'hearsay'
|
bato balani
|
'magnet'
|
bayontao
|
'bachelor'
|
habaw nono
|
'breast milk'
|
habot maih
|
'corn silk'
|
hipilyon ngipen
|
'tooth brush'
|
indyan minggo
|
'Indian mango'
|
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'PL'
|
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'EMPH'
|
Ø-
|
'N>V'
|
Ø-
|
'AV'
|
Ø-
|
'No Aspect'
|
Ø-
|
'Adj > V'
|
Ø-
|
'Num>V'
|
aN-
|
'CONT'
|
Dup-
|
'DIMUN'
|
i-
|
'CV'
|
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
a'
|
'REL'
|
a
|
'LNK'
|
aba
|
'delay'
|
abagat
|
'rainy season'
|
abala
|
'activity'
|
abala
|
'bother'
|
abalayan
|
'parents by marriage'
|
abang
|
'rent'
|
abano
|
'cigar'
|
abanti
|
'advance'
|
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
adadoen
|
'plow'
|
adapan
|
'front of'
|
agapayan
|
'stay beside'
|
agwayen
|
'cut vines'
|
ahonbalang
|
'wild creature'
|
ampagkabawan
|
'being senile'
|
ampameyeng-peyeng
|
'shake head'
|
anak-anak
|
'doll'
|
anemagatoh
|
'600'
|
anganagen
|
'attack by termites'
|
This subsection lists all the instances.
In this analysis of Ayta Abellen there are 11 major syntactic categories for words. Some of these in turn have subcategories.
The following is a complete list of the categories and subcategories that are posited (along with a count of how many instances
of each are found in the lexicon; some or all of these are in the appendix).
The categories are defined as follows (the category's abbreviation is shown within square brackets):
An adjective is a word whose main syntactic role is to modify a noun or pronoun, giving more information about the noun or
pronoun's referent.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
abli
|
'valuable'
|
ada
|
'beautiful'
|
aep
|
'considerate'
|
aha
|
'sharp'
|
ahem
|
'sour'
|
ak-haw
|
'strong'
|
akokoh
|
'selfish'
|
aktong
|
'stiff, rigid'
|
alah
|
'o'clock'
|
alalang
|
'sharp'
|
Some word bases function as adjectives with no affixation:
(87) |
a. |
alan |
old (used) |
b. |
baloktot |
wrong |
c. |
bayo |
new |
d. |
bogtong |
only |
e. |
bokod |
alone |
f. |
hohto |
correct |
g. |
kanayon |
another |
h. |
kolang |
lacking |
i. |
lombo |
different |
j. |
padiho |
same |
k. |
pawa |
pure |
l. |
peteg |
true |
m. |
sigorado |
sure |
|
The majority of adjectives are formed by prefixing a noun base with ma-:
(88) |
a. |
ma-ada |
'beautiful' |
b. |
ma-amot |
'hot' |
c. |
ma-bitil |
'hungry' |
d. |
ma-dinat |
'dirty' |
|
(89) |
Peteg |
a |
maamot |
haanin. |
true |
LK |
hot |
today. |
|
Adjectives can be marked for plural number. With ma- adjectives the form -nga is prefixed between the ma- prefix and the base:
(90) |
a. |
ma-kandi |
'small (SG)' |
b. |
manga-kandi |
'small (PL)' |
|
(91) |
a. |
matobag |
'brutal (SG)' |
b. |
mangatobag |
'brutal (PL)' |
|
(92) |
a. |
malake |
'big (SG)' |
b. |
mangalake |
'big (PL)' |
|
(93) |
a. |
Makandin |
bengat |
ti |
tanda |
ko. |
|
|
|
b. |
Hatew |
ha |
mangakandi |
kayi |
po |
ihtibay, |
nadama |
ti |
paday |
mi. |
'Then, when we were still little, our rice was destroyed.' |
|
|
|
It is not yet known how unaffixed adjectives are pluralized.
A ma- adjective forms the superlative degree by prefixing the form pinaka-:
(94) |
a. |
pinakamatowa |
'oldest' |
b. |
pinakamakaydeng |
'youngest' |
c. |
pinakadimengdimeng |
'purest' |
|
(95) |
a. |
Yatin |
matowa |
ye |
pinakamatowa |
ha |
Labney. |
‘This old one is the oldest in Labney.’ |
|
|
|
Like in Tagalog there seems to be another class of adjectives that is formed by the affix ka-. This class of adjectives indicates superlativeness and surprise of the quality the base denotes. It indicates that the speaker
actually saw or experienced this quality:
(97) |
a. |
Miabot |
ako |
ihtew |
ha |
angkonaan |
lan |
aho, |
bilewen |
ko |
ket |
kaginta |
a |
maambal. |
‘When I arrived where the dogs were, I saw a big python.’ |
|
|
|
An intensive degree of quality denoted by an adjective is expressed by a repetition of the base. With unaffixed adjectives
the base also is doubled:
(98) |
a. |
dimengdimeng |
'very pure' |
|
(99) |
Labay |
ko |
ket |
pinakadimengdimeng |
dayi. |
|
A limitation degree of the quality expressed by an adjective may be indicated be reduplicating the first CV- of the adjective
An adverb, narrowly defined, is a part of speech whose members modify verbs for such categories as time, manner, place, or
direction. An adverb, broadly defined, is a part of speech whose members modify any constituent class of words other than
nouns, such as verbs, adjectives, adverbs, phrases, clauses, or sentences. Under this definition, the possible type of modification
depends on the class of the constituent being modified.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
=ana
|
'now'
|
=awod
|
'so'
|
=bay
|
'EMPH'
|
=bega
|
'absolutely'
|
=bengat
|
'just'
|
=dayi
|
'OPT'
|
=ingat
|
'on other hand'
|
=kano
|
'it is said'
|
=lagi
|
'possibly'
|
=laweh
|
'uncertainty'
|
Enclitic adverbs are a closed set of uninflectable particles that occur usually immediately after the predicate. Any enclitic
pronoun that may be present precede the enclitic adverbs. The most common enclitic adverbs and their meaning are as follows:
(101) |
a. |
na (ana, -yna, -na) |
'now, already’ |
b. |
po |
'still, yet' |
c. |
bengat |
'just, only' |
d. |
man |
'emphasis, polite request' |
e. |
dayi |
'desire' |
f. |
met |
'emphasis, in contrast' |
g. |
teed |
'also' |
h. |
kano |
'reported speech' |
i. |
lagi |
'possibly' |
j. |
nayi |
'question (rhetorical)' |
k. |
laweh |
'question (certainty)' |
|
(The enclitic adverb na takes the linker a (ana) when following words ending in a consonant; it takes the linker -y (-yna), when following words ending in the vowels a, e, or o; no linker is used when following words ending on -i (-na).)
All of the enclitic adverbs can occur without other enclitic adverbs, except teed ‘also’, but when more than one enclitic adverb occurs in a sentence, their relative order is fixed. The order is as follows[34]:
na/po |
bengat |
- |
na/po |
met |
nayi/laweh |
na/po |
man |
- |
po |
dayi |
- |
- |
met |
pa |
- |
met (a) |
teed |
- |
kano |
- |
- |
lagi |
- |
Example of sentences using enclitic adverbs are as follows:
(102) |
No |
maabonoan |
moyna, |
bilewen |
mon |
manged. |
no |
m-ka-abono-an |
mo=yna |
bilew-en |
mo-n |
ma-nged |
if |
CTPLT-STA-fertilizer-GV |
2SG.NOM=already |
see-OV |
2SG=LK |
ADJ-good |
When you already applied the fertilizer, watch (it) carefully. |
|
(103) |
Awo, |
malyadi |
ka |
po |
nin |
magodong. |
awo |
malyadi |
ka |
po |
nin |
m-pag-odong |
yes |
possible |
2SG.NOM |
still |
LK |
CTPLT-DUR-return |
Yes, it is possible for you to still come back. |
|
(104) |
Yabayin |
anan |
bengat |
ti |
tanda |
ko |
habiyen |
ha |
Ayta. |
yain=bay |
a=na=n |
bengat |
ti |
tanda |
ko |
habi-en |
ha |
ayta |
this=EMPH |
LK=now=LK |
just |
NOM |
know |
1SG.GEN |
language=OV |
DAT |
Ayta |
Just this is now what I know to say in Ayta. |
|
(105) |
Ano |
met |
nayi |
ye |
anak |
mo? |
ano |
met |
nayi |
ye |
anak |
mo |
how-many |
on-the-other-hand |
QUES |
NOM |
child |
2SG.GEN |
And how many children do you have? |
|
(106) |
Manaliw |
ako |
po |
man. |
m-pan-haliw |
ako |
po |
man. |
CTPLT-PL-buy |
1SG.NOM |
still |
please |
Please let me still buy some more. |
|
(107) |
Magtabahtabah |
kitawo |
po |
dayi. |
m-pag-tabahtabah |
kitawo |
po |
dayi |
CTPLT-DUR-have.snack |
1PL.INCL.NOM |
yet |
OPT |
I like us to have a snack yet. |
|
(108) |
Emen |
met |
pa |
ha |
legan. |
emen |
met |
pa |
ha |
legan |
like |
also |
still |
as |
while |
Still the same as always. |
|
(109) |
Hiya |
met |
ateed. |
hiya |
met |
ateed |
3SG.EMPH |
also |
then |
|
(110) |
Ahe |
na |
kano |
labay |
ti |
kotsokotso. |
ahe |
na |
kano |
labay |
ti |
kotsokotso |
NEG |
3SG.GEN |
it-is-said |
like |
NOM |
make-trouble |
So she said she does not like trouble making. |
|
(111) |
Way-omen |
lagiy |
dapaten |
ko, |
wana |
nin |
laki. |
way-omen |
lagi=ye |
dapat=-en |
ko |
wan-=na |
nin |
laki |
how |
possibly=NOM |
do=OV |
1SG.GEN |
said=3SG.GEN |
GEN |
male |
"What will I possibly do?", thought the man. |
|
Moveable adverbs are full words or phrases that do not have a fixed position in the sentence.
Manner adverbs are either unaffixed, or, if affixed they are a subclass of ma- adjectives. Examples are:
(112) |
a. |
manged |
'well' |
b. |
kadihko |
'maybe' |
c. |
kaya |
'rather' |
d. |
oman |
'again' |
e. |
popoh |
'always' |
|
(113) |
Manged |
kan |
manloto. |
ma-nged |
ka=n |
m-pan-loto |
ADJ-good |
2SG.NOM=LK |
CTPLT-PL-cook |
|
Time adverbs fall into two classes: unmarked and marked.
Note that some time adverbs unmarked for case are marked for time. If they refer to the future they are marked with ma-, and if they refer to the past they are marked with na-.
(114) |
a. |
bowan-bowan |
'every month' |
b. |
minamangaamot |
'every day' |
c. |
hine |
'before' |
d. |
naboyot |
'a long time' |
e. |
naapon |
'yesterday' |
f. |
nadeglem |
'yesterday at night time' |
g. |
nangon |
'earlier (same day)' |
h. |
hatew |
'then' |
i. |
haanin |
'now' |
j. |
mabekah |
'morning' |
k. |
madanon |
'soon' |
l. |
madeglem |
'at night time' |
m. |
lano |
'later ' |
n. |
minghan |
'some time in the furure' |
|
(115) |
Ha |
lomateng |
yatin |
domingo, |
minamangaamot |
akoynan |
ampoli. |
ha |
lateng-om |
yati=n |
domingo |
mina-mangaamot |
ako=yna=n |
aN-poli |
DAT |
arrive-AV |
this=LK |
week |
every-day |
1SG.NOM=already=LK |
CONT-go.home |
This coming week I will go home every week. |
|
(116) |
Naboyot |
akoynan |
ahe |
nakew |
ihti |
n-ka-boyot |
ako=yna=n |
ahe |
n-ka-lakew |
ihti |
PRF-STA-long.time |
1SG.NOM=already=LK |
NEG |
PRF-STA-go |
here |
I did not come here for a long time. |
|
(117) |
Moli |
akoynan |
madanon. |
m-oli |
ako=yna=n |
ma-danon |
CTPLT=go.home |
1SG.NOM=already=LK |
ADV=soon |
|
(118) |
a. |
ha legan |
'at some time ago' |
b. |
ha kabatowan |
'at the river' |
|
Locative adverbs fall into two classes: marked and unmarked.
The unmarked locative adverbs include the following:
(119) |
a. |
ihti |
'here' |
b. |
ihen |
'there' |
c. |
ihtew |
'over there' |
|
The marked locative consists of a noun plus the oblique case-marker ha.
(120) |
a. |
ha likol |
'behind' |
b. |
ha lohan |
'down river' |
|
(121) |
Ibat |
akoyna |
ha |
Kayawedan. |
ibat |
ako=yna |
ha |
kayawedan |
from |
1SG.NOM=already |
OBL |
Kayawedan |
|
(122) |
Mangkomonin |
ako |
ihtibay |
ha |
badion |
Labney. |
m-paN-konin-om |
ako |
ihti=bay |
ha |
badion |
labney |
CTPLT=PL=reside=AV |
1SG.NOM |
here=EMPH |
OBL |
village |
Labney |
I’m living here in the village of Labney. |
|
Instrumental adverbs denote the instrument used to perform an action. They are expressed as an ergative case-marked nonpersonal
noun. An example is:
(123) |
Antoyhoken |
lan |
etak. |
aN-toyhok-en |
la=nin |
etak |
CONT=stab=OV |
3PL.GEN=GEN |
machete |
They are stabbing (someone) with a machete. |
|
Causal adverbs denote the reason or cause of an action or situation. They are composed of the preposition oli ‘because of’ plus an oblique case-marked nimonal. An example is:
(124) |
Kaya-bay, |
ti |
kabibiay |
haanin |
ket |
magolo |
oli |
ha |
hilay |
NPA. |
kaya=bay |
ti |
kabibiay |
haanin |
ket |
m-ka-golo |
oli |
ha |
hilay |
NPA. |
therefore=EMPH |
NOM |
living |
now |
INV |
CTPLT-STA-trouble |
because.of |
OBL |
3PL.NOM=NOM |
NPA |
Therefore, life now is troubled because of the NPA. |
|
Referential adverbs denote the subject of a locutionary action. They are composed of the preposition oli ‘about’ plus a locative adverb or an oblique case-marked nominal. Examples are:
(125) |
Main |
akon |
itepet |
oli |
ihtibay |
a |
papel. |
main |
ako=n |
i-tepet |
oli |
ihti=bay |
a |
papel |
EXT |
1SG.NOM=LK |
CV-question |
about |
this=EMPH |
LK |
paper |
I have a question about this paper here. |
|
(126) |
Main |
ka |
nin |
tanam |
kangko |
oli |
ha |
pangaibeg |
ko |
kamo. |
main |
ka |
nin |
tanam |
kangko |
oli |
ha |
paN-ka-ibeg |
ko |
kamo |
EXT |
2SG.NOM |
GEN |
feeling |
1SG.DAT |
about |
OBL |
PL-STA-love |
1SG.GEN |
2SG.DAT |
You have some feeling towards me about my love towards you. |
|
Measurement adverbs denote the extent of a process. They are composed of the oblique case-marker ha plus an expression of measurement.
(127) |
Tianoy |
bayad |
ha |
maghay |
mitodo |
kanan |
tapih |
ayti. |
ti-ano=ye |
bayad |
ha |
magha=y |
mitodo |
kana=nin |
tapih |
a-yati |
each-how.many=NOM |
payment |
DAT |
one=NOM |
meter |
3SG.DAT=LNK |
cloth |
LK-this |
How much is the payment for one meter of this cloth? |
|
The adverb agya ‘even’ is used as an intensive to stress an unlikely instance. The following example is an answer to the invitation to eat.
(128) |
Agya |
ahe |
ana, |
noba |
tawayan |
ko |
makandi. |
agya |
ahe |
a=na, |
noba |
taway-an |
ko |
ma-kandi |
even |
NEG |
LK=now, |
but |
taste-GV |
1SG.GEN |
ADJ-small |
Not so, but i will taste a little. |
|
The adverb ahe ‘not’ simply negates clauses and questions.
(129) |
Ahe |
akoyna |
nakokonaan. |
ahe |
ako=yna |
n-ka-CV-konin-an |
NEG |
1SG.NOM=already |
PRF-STA-EMPH-locate-GV |
I can’t remember anymore. |
|
(130) |
Ahe, |
hikoy |
pinakamakaydeng. |
ahe |
hiko=ye |
pinaka-ma-kaydeng |
NEG |
1SG.EMPH=NOM |
SUP-ADJ-young |
No, I’m the youngest (answer to the question if someone is the oldest child in a family). |
|
The adverb aliwa ‘not’ negates adjectives.
(131) |
Aliwan |
matoynong |
ye |
paghabi |
ko. |
aliwa=n |
ma-toynong |
ye |
pag-habi |
ko |
NEG=LK |
ADJ=straight |
NOM |
GER=language |
1SG.GEN |
My speech is not grammatical. |
|
Also known as a conjunction, a connective is a class of parts of speech whose members syntactically link words or larger constituents,
and expresses a semantic relationship between them. A conjunction is positionally fixed relative to one or more of the elements
related by it, thus distinguishing it from constituents such as English conjunctive adverbs.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
=n
|
'COMP'
|
a'
|
'REL'
|
a
|
'LNK'
|
angga
|
'until'
|
bana
|
'because'
|
bayo
|
'before'
|
biha
|
'and then'
|
bilang
|
'like'
|
boy
|
'and'
|
dinan
|
'comparative'
|
Two sentences that a loose coordinating connection with each are related with ket.
(132) |
Maholok |
hilan |
mapo. |
Ket |
maholok |
met |
nin |
mapo |
ti |
CAFGU |
a |
kalalamoan |
mi |
haanin |
ihtibay. |
more.than |
1PL.NOM |
10 |
and |
more.than |
also |
GEN |
10 |
NOM |
CAFGU |
LK |
companion |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
now |
here. |
They are more than 10. And more than 10 also are the CAFGU who are our companions here. |
|
Two clauses in the same sentence are usually connected with boy 'and'.
(133) |
Ampangan |
kayin |
bengat |
nin |
kalot, |
boy |
no |
main |
makwen |
kena |
ti |
tatang |
ko, |
yabayti |
ye |
an-ihaliw |
mi |
nin |
beyah. |
eating |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
just |
GEN |
kalot |
and |
if |
EXT |
can.get |
meat |
NOM |
father |
1SG.GEN |
this |
NOM |
buying |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
GEN |
rice |
We are just eating kalot and if my father is able to get meat, this is what we are using to exchange for rice. |
|
Two NPs can also be connected with boy 'and'.
(134) |
Main |
hilan |
tanem |
a |
obi |
boy |
loko |
boy |
malabong |
a |
tatanamen |
la. |
EXT |
3PL.NOM |
plant |
LK |
ube |
and |
taro |
and |
many |
LK |
plants |
3PL.GEN |
They have ube and taro and many other plants. |
|
Disjunction is signalled by the use of o 'or'.
(135) |
Ahe |
ko |
tanda |
no |
nakaoli |
hila |
o |
ahe. |
NEG |
1SG.GEN |
know |
if |
returned.home |
3PL.NOM |
or |
NEG |
I don't know if they made it home or not. |
|
Clauses in adversative relationship are connected with noba 'but'.
(136) |
Main |
kayin |
miting |
noba |
ahe |
natoloy. |
EXT |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
meeting |
but |
NEG |
continue |
We had a meeting but it did not push through. |
|
Reason is often shown by using ta 'for'.
(137) |
Nona |
koyna |
ihti |
ha |
Burgos, |
ta |
alah |
tres |
po |
ye |
pila |
nan |
Bondar. |
go.first |
1SG.GEN |
here |
DAT |
Burgos |
for |
o'clock |
three |
still |
NOM |
line |
GEN |
Bondar |
I will go ahead to Burgos for 3 o'clock still is the line (jeeps) of Bondar. |
|
Purpose is shown by using ta-omen 'in order that'.
(138) |
Angkatongtong |
bengat |
ta-omen |
makit |
ye |
pinangibatan |
min |
tradition. |
speaking |
only |
in.order.that |
will.be.seen |
NOM |
source |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
tradition |
I am just saying this so that the source of our tradition can be seen. |
|
An interjection is a part of speech, typically brief in form, such as one syllable or word, whose members are used most often
as exclamations or parts of an exclamation. An interjection, typically expressing an emotional reaction, often with respect
to an accompanying sentence, is not syntactically related to other accompanying expressions, and may include a combination
of sounds not otherwise found in the language.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
adey
|
'don't'
|
adi
|
'don't'
|
agya
|
'not 3SG'
|
ah
|
'ahh'
|
araay
|
'ouch!'
|
arooy
|
'oh my!'
|
awo
|
'yes'
|
awobay
|
'yes'
|
ay
|
'oh!'
|
bahala
|
'it's up to'
|
"Nouns are items which display certain types of inflection (e.g. of case or number), have a specific distribution (eg. they
may follow prepositions but not, say, modals), and perform a specific syntactic function (e.g. as subject or object of a sentence).
Nouns are generally subclassified into common and proper types, and analysed in terms of number, gender, case, and countability."
(Crystal 2008:333)
The Noun category has 1 inflectional template:
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
abagat
|
'rainy season'
|
abala
|
'activity'
|
abalayan
|
'parents by marriage'
|
abang
|
'rent'
|
abano
|
'cigar'
|
abaw
|
'beetle'
|
abay
|
'lower abdomen'
|
Abellen
|
'Abellen'
|
Abelling
|
'Abellen'
|
abeng
|
'quail'
|
These nouns refer to something other than a distinct countable quantity:
Nonpersonal nouns are pluralized by reduplicating the first CV- of the singular form of the noun:
(140) |
|
tao 'person' |
⇨ |
tatao 'persons' |
katongno 'brother'
|
⇨ |
kakatongno 'brothers'
|
|
If a noun base begins with a vowel, the unwritten initial glottal stop functions as a consonant:
(141) |
|
anak 'child' |
⇨ |
aanak 'children' |
|
If a noun base begins with two identical CV-syllables, the vowel of the first syllable is lengthened to form the plural:
(142) |
|
babai 'woman' |
⇨ |
baba:i 'women' |
|
Word bases can form derived nouns by the addition of derivational affixes.
ka- + base + -an and ka-CV + base form abstract nouns from the base:
(143) |
|
tapol 'search' |
⇨ |
katapolan 'need' |
biay ‘life’
|
⇨ |
kabiayan ‘livelihood’
|
haad ‘situation’
|
⇨ |
kahahaad ‘situation’
|
|
base + -an designates a place associated with what is specified in the base:
(144) |
|
tanem 'plant' |
⇨ |
tanaman 'plantation' |
ibat 'from'
|
⇨ |
ibatan 'origin'
|
angga 'until'
|
⇨ |
anggaan 'limit' |
|
taga- + base refers to a person from the place designated by the base:
(145) |
|
Germany 'Germany' |
⇨ |
taga-Germany 'person from Germany' |
|
mi- + dup + base refers to more than two people in an intimate kinship or social relationship:
(146) |
|
katongno 'sibling' |
⇨ |
mikakatongno 'siblings' |
pamilya 'family'
|
⇨ |
mipapamilya 'family members'
|
|
base + base refers to an imitation of what the base designates:
(147) |
|
baey 'house' |
⇨ |
baeybaey 'dollhouse' |
|
ka- + dup + base + -an, refers to a group of more than two people in a companionship relationship:
(148) |
|
lamo 'companion' |
⇨ |
kalalamoan 'group of companions' |
|
ma:g- + base, refers to a person who occupation is what the base designates:
(149) |
|
talon 'field' |
⇨ |
ma:gtalon 'farmer' |
|
ka- + base refers to one of two people associated in a reciprocal relationship designated by the base:
(150) |
|
tanda 'know' |
⇨ |
katanda 'acquantaince' |
|
Gerunds are translatable by the ‘-ing’ form of a verb in English.
(151) |
|
Basic form (1) -om- + base
|
⇨ |
Aspectless Gerund pan- + -om- + base
|
komodang ‘walk’
|
⇨ |
pangomodang ‘walking’
|
(2) maN- + base
|
⇨ |
paN- + base
|
manganop ‘hunt’
|
⇨ |
panganop ‘hunting’
|
|
The glosses and in some cases the parsing of the underlined forms in the following examples are not certain. More data are
needed to confirm or discard this analysis.
(152) |
Pangwa |
mo |
ko |
nin |
magha. |
paN-kowa |
mo |
ako |
nin |
magha |
GER-get |
2SG.GEN |
1SG.NOM |
GEN |
one |
|
In this example the gerund functions as imperative (ko being the beneficiary).
(153) |
Impakalan |
naynan |
ahawa |
ko |
ye |
pamangan.. |
-iN-pa-kalan |
na=yna=nin |
ahawa |
ko |
ye |
paN-pangan |
PFV-CAUS-prepare |
3SG.GEN=already=GEN |
spouse |
1SG.GEN |
NOM |
GER=eat=GV |
My wife already prepared the food. |
|
(154) |
Yabayti |
ye |
panongtongen |
nan |
palmama.. |
yati=bay |
ye |
pan-tongtong-en |
na=n |
pan-mama |
this=EMPH |
NOM |
GER-talk-OV |
3SG.GEN=LK |
GER=chewing.preparation |
This is the story of making chewing preparation. |
|
(155) |
kahahaad |
nin |
pagtalon. |
kahahaad |
nin |
pag-talon |
situation |
GEN |
GER-field |
situation of working in the field (i.e. farming) |
|
(156) |
Pamapalanom |
anggan |
manawa |
yayney |
paday.. |
pan-CV-pa-lanom |
angga=n |
m-pan-dawa |
ya=yna=ye |
paday |
GER-CONT-CAUS-water |
until=LK |
CTPLT=PL=fruit |
3SG.NOM=already=NOM |
rice |
Continue to water (it) until the rice bears fruit. |
|
In this example again the gerund functions as an imperative.
(157) |
Mangikonin |
ka |
nin |
pamatey |
kanla. |
m-pan-i-konin |
ka |
nin |
pan-pa-patey |
kanla |
CTPLT-PL-CV-locate |
2SG.NOM |
GEN |
GER-CAUS-die |
3PL.DAT |
Place some poison (killer) to them. |
|
A cardinal numeral is a numeral of the class whose members are considered basic in form, are used in counting, and are used
in expressing how many objects are referred to.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
anem
|
'6'
|
anemagatoh
|
'600'
|
anemapo'
|
'60'
|
apat
|
'4'
|
apatagatoh
|
'400'
|
apatapo'
|
'40'
|
gatoh
|
'100'
|
hyam
|
'9'
|
hyamagatoh
|
'900'
|
hyamapo'
|
'90'
|
An ordinal numeral is a numeral belonging to a class whose members designate positions in a sequence.
This subsection lists all the instances.
ikalwa
|
'second'
|
ikatlo
|
'third'
|
kakalwa
|
'second'
|
kakatlon
|
'third'
|
kalwa
|
'second'
|
katlo
|
'third'
|
"Prepositions are the set of items which typically precede noun phrases (often single nouns or pronouns), to form a single
constituent of structure." (Crystal 2008:383)
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
=n
|
'GEN'
|
=y
|
'NOM'
|
ala
|
'one'
|
alas
|
'> two o'clock'
|
angga
|
'until'
|
bahta
|
'as long as'
|
ha
|
'OBL'
|
hilay
|
'PropmrkrPL'
|
hilay
|
'PLTopicmrkr'
|
hiyay
|
'TM'
|
"Pronouns are the closed set of items which can be used to substitute for a noun phrase (or single noun)." (Crystal 2008:391)
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
agyahinyaman
|
'whatever'
|
ako
|
'1SG.NOM'
|
hika
|
'2SG.EMPH'
|
hikawo
|
'2PL.EMPH'
|
hikayi
|
'1PL.EXCL.EMPH'
|
hikita
|
'1DU.EMPH'
|
hikitawo
|
'1PL.INCL.EMPH'
|
hiko
|
'1SG.EMPH'
|
hila
|
'3PL.EMPH'
|
hilabayin
|
'3PL.EMPH'
|
Personal ponouns are internally marked for case. (158) shows the personal pronouns according to case, person, and number.
(158) |
|
Number |
Person |
EMPH |
Nom |
Gen |
Dat |
Gloss |
non-plural |
1 |
hiko 1SG.EMPH
|
ako/ko 1SG.NOM
|
ko 1SG.GEN
|
kangko 1SG.DAT
|
I, mine, to me, etc. |
2 |
hika 2SG.EMPH
|
ka 2SG.NOM
|
mo 2SG.GEN
|
kammo 2SG.DAT
|
you, your, to you, etc. |
1+2 (incl.) |
hikita 1DU.EMPH
|
kita 1DU.NOM
|
ta 1DU.GEN
|
kanta 1DU.DAT
|
I and you, ours, etc. |
3 |
hiya 3SG.EMPH
|
ya 3SG.NOM
|
na 3SG.GEN
|
kana 3SG.DAT
|
he/she/it, his, etc. |
plural |
1 (excl.) |
hikayi 1PL.EXCL.EMPH
|
kayi 1PL.EXCL.NOM
|
mi 1PL.EXCL.GEN
|
kanmi/kammi 1PL.EXCL.DAT
|
we (but not you), etc. |
2 |
hikawo 2PL.EMPH
|
kawo 2PL.NOM
|
yo 2PL.GEN
|
kanyo 2PL.DAT
|
you, yours, to you, etc. |
1+2 (incl.) |
hikitawo 1PL.INCL.EMPH
|
kitawo 1PL.INCL.NOM
|
tawo 1PL.INCL.GEN
|
kantawo 1PL.INCL.DAT
|
we and you, etc. |
3 |
hila 3PL.EMPH
|
hila 3PL.NOM
|
la 3PL.GEN
|
kanla/kalla 3PL.DAT
|
they, their, etc. |
|
In addition to these pronouns there are a two composite pronouns that combine the functions of the first person singular genitive
form with the second person singular and second person plural nominative forms:
kata 1SG.GEN 2SG.NOM ‘I...you (sg.)’, from ko ka
katawo 1SG.GEN 2PL.NOM ‘I...you (pl.)’, from ko kawo
The forms ko ka and ko kawo are ungrammatical and must be replaced by the appropriate composite pronouns.
(159) |
Angkaaliktan kata. |
‘I’m loving you.’ |
|
EMPH pronouns occur most often as free forms in the fronted position in a sentence which signals discourse prominence, both
syntactically clause-internal as fronted noun-phrase and clause-external (as delimiting component).
(160) |
a. |
Hikaiy ibat ha Kayawedan. |
‘We (excl.) are the ones from Kayawedan.’ |
b. |
(Compare: Ibat kai ha Kayawedan. |
‘We are from Kayawedan.’) |
c. |
Hiko, ibat ako ha Germany. |
‘As for me, I’m from Germany.’ |
|
NOM marked pronouns occur:
1. as constituents in all verbal clause types,
(161) |
a. |
Angkatoloy ako. |
‘I’m sleeping.’ |
b. |
Manyag hila nin baey. |
‘They will make a house.’ |
|
2. as possessor in existential clauses (with main ‘existence’ and homain ‘non-exist).’
(162) |
a. |
Main akon tatloy baey. |
‘I have three houses.’ |
b. |
Homain yan beyah. |
‘He has no rice.’ |
|
3. The 3rd person singular and plural pronouns function as the base of demonstrative pronouns when affixed with the the suffixes
-ti, -in and -tew, which denote the distance of an object in relation to speaker and hearer (see (170)).
GEN marked pronouns occur:
1. as constituents in all verbal clauses,
(163) |
Hamhamen la yay baboy. |
‘They snatched the pig away.’ |
|
2. as possessive pronouns at noun phrase level when possessive occurs after the noun.
(164) |
Tapolen mo yay etak ko. |
‘Look for my machete.’ |
|
DAT marked pronouns occur:
1. as oblique constituents in all verbal clauses,
(165) |
Angkaaliket ako kamo. |
‘I love you.’ |
|
2. as oblique constituent in existential clauses,
(166) |
Main ka nin tanam met kangko. |
‘You also have feelings towards me.’ |
|
3. as comment in a possessive clause,
(167) |
Kangko yain. |
‘That is mine.’ |
|
4. in referential phrases,
(168) |
Tongtongen ko…oli kallan māgtalon. |
‘I will talk…about the farmers.’ |
|
5. in non-verbal expressions.
(169) |
a. |
Omon met kamo. |
‘The same to you.’ |
b. |
Malake a halamat kanyo. |
‘Many thanks to you.’ |
|
A demonstrative is a determiner that is used deictically to indicate a referent's spatial, temporal, or discourse location.
A demonstrative functions as a modifier of a noun, or a pronoun.
(170) |
|
|
Class I – personal |
Class II |
Class III |
|
number |
full |
minimal |
locative |
temporal |
|
singular |
hiyati |
yati |
ihti |
haanin |
near (d1) |
plural |
hila yati |
singular |
hiyain |
yain |
ihen |
hine |
some distance (d2) |
plural |
hila yain |
singular |
hiyatew |
yatew |
ihtew |
hatew |
far away (d3) |
plural |
hila yatew |
|
The nominative third-person pronouns ya and hila are used to form the singular and plural of the Class I personal demonstrative pronouns respectively. The suffixes -ti, -in, and -tew show the relative distance of the item or person referred to: -ti indicates nearness (to speaker and hearer), -in indicates some distance (close to hearer, or only somewhat close to hearer and speaker), and -tew indicates distance (from both hearer and speaker).
The full forms of the singular demonstrative personal pronouns are formed by adding the prefix hi- to the minimal form. There is no formal distiction between full and minimal forms of the plural personal demonstrative pronouns.
Personal demonstrative pronouns are unmarked for case. To mark them for case the demonstrative pronouns are preceded by the
personal pronouns ya or hila or by personal pronoun plus case-marker combinations, but the simple form of the demonstrative pronoun can by itself, or
as part of a noun phrase realize the absolutive argument of a verbal clause. The personal demonstrative pronoun never occurs
in the ergative case because its definiteness would obligatorily require it to be the absolutive argument of the clause.
(171) |
a. |
Ipatanda ko lano no mayadi yati. |
‘I will let you know later when this is finished.’ |
b. |
Aya hila yain? |
‘What are these?’ |
c. |
Makew ako ha kabatoan ta oyahan ko ya yati. |
‘I will go to the rive because I will wash this.’ |
|
The distribution of the minimal and the full form of the demonstrative pronoun is identical in the following positions: Both
can occur as nominal modifiers in modification constructions, in genitive noun-phrases, in oblique clause constituents, and
probably both occur in equative clauses and with the non-personal oblique marker ha.
(172) |
a. |
yain a gobat |
‘that war’ |
b. |
hiyatin kahahaad |
‘this situation’ |
c. |
nan yain |
‘of this’ |
d. |
nan hiyati |
‘of this’ |
e. |
kanan yain |
‘with/from that’ |
f. |
kanan hiyain |
‘with/from that’ |
g. |
Tepeten na yayna ti babai kanan yain. |
‘He would now ask the girl about this.’ |
h. |
Homawa yay balatang kanan hiyain. |
‘The young lady was weary of this.’ |
i. |
Yati ye kaginta a baey. |
‘This is the big house.’ |
j. |
Hiyabayti ye makaagat. |
‘This is the oldest.’ |
k. |
ibat ha hiyain |
‘from that’ |
|
But only the minimal form can be used as the free form in short answers.
(173) |
Yati. |
‘This.’ (i.e. answering a question like “Which do you want?”) |
|
Locative demonstrative pronouns are formed by affixing the locative bound root ih- with basically the same suffixes (but with one vowel change) that are used to mark the personal demonstrative pronouns for
relative distance of the item or person referred to (as shown in the chart 4), so that Class I and Class II demonstrative
pronouns can be summarized as follows.
(174) |
|
Class I |
Class I |
deictic in space, time and relation: ya/hila+ |
deictic in space:.ih-+[35] |
near (d1) |
'this' |
-ti |
near (locd1) |
'here' |
some distance (d2) |
'that' |
-in |
-en |
some dist. (locd2) |
‘there’ |
far away (d3) |
'that over there' |
-tew |
far away (locd3) |
'over there' |
|
The temporal demonstrative pronouns have some similarities in form with the personal demonstrative pronouns and the locative
pronouns. The temporal demonstrative pronouns are also mark relative distance of the item or person referred to.
(175) |
a. |
haanin |
‘now’ |
b. |
hine |
‘some time ago’ |
c. |
hatew |
‘then, at that time’ |
|
Emphatic forms of the personal demonstrative pronouns and the locative demonstrative pronouns are formed by affixing any of
the forms of these pronouns with the enclitic -bay. There are no emphatic temporal demonstrative pronouns. The emphatic demonstrative pronouns occur in equative clauses and
in the fronted position of verbal clauses signaling discourse prominence.
(176) |
|
|
Class I |
Class II |
Class III |
|
number |
full[36] |
minimal |
locative |
temporal |
|
singular |
hiyabayti |
yabayti |
ihtibay |
--- |
near (d1) |
plural |
hilabayti |
singular |
hiyabayin |
yabayin |
ihenbay |
--- |
some distance (d2) |
plural |
hilabayin |
singular |
hiyabaytew |
yabaytew |
ihtewbay |
--- |
far away (d3) |
plural |
hilabaytew[37] |
|
(177) |
a. |
Yabayin ye baey yo. |
‘That is your house.’ |
b. |
Yabayin a maambal antibeen lan aho ko. |
‘It was that python that my dogs barked at.’ |
c. |
Iyabayin ilakew me ha lohan. |
‘That is what we take to the lowland.’ |
d. |
...oli ha yabaytew |
‘...because of that’ |
e. |
Mangkomonin ako ihtibay ha badion Labney. |
‘I live here in the barangay Labney.' |
f. |
Labay ko ihtibay, ta matana. |
I like it here because it’s peaceful. |
g. |
Malabong a hadtan ko tongkol ihtibay. |
I have much to say about this here. |
h. |
Ihtibay ti nagpohtoan la. |
It was here that they set up camp. |
|
An interrogative pro-form is a pro-form that is used in questions to stand for the item questioned.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
ano
|
'how many'
|
aya
|
'what'
|
aya
|
'which'
|
hinya
|
'what; who'
|
hinyain
|
'what is that'
|
hinyatew
|
'what is that'
|
hinyati
|
'what is this'
|
makano
|
'when'
|
nakano
|
'when'
|
pano
|
'how'
|
agya hinya |
'whoever'
|
agya aya |
'whatever'
|
agya way ihtew |
'wherever'
|
agya makano |
'whenever'
|
A Verb is a part of speech whose members typically signal events and actions; constitute, singly or in a phrase, a minimal
predicate in a clause; govern the number and types of other constituents which may occur in the clause; and, in inflectional
languages, may be inflected for tense, aspect, voice, modality, or agreement with other constituents in person, number, or
grammatical gender.
The Verb category has 5 inflectional templates:
These templates are valid for not only this category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb.
The Verb category has 3 inflection classes: partial, motion, and state.
The Verb category has 2 inflectable features: voice in Philippine-type languages and aspect.
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
aba
|
'delay'
|
abala
|
'bother'
|
abang
|
'rent'
|
abanti
|
'advance'
|
abaw
|
'gather beetles'
|
abholto
|
'absolve'
|
abli
|
'value'
|
ablo
|
'out of line'
|
abo
|
'heat'
|
aboh
|
'pant'
|
A partially inflectable verb.
The Pseudo verb category has 1 inflectional template:
This subsection lists the first ten instances.
ba'ko
|
'I thought'
|
ba'la
|
'they thought'
|
ba'mo
|
'you thought'
|
ba'na
|
'he thought'
|
bobokod
|
'do alone'
|
labay
|
'like'
|
main
|
'EXT'
|
padah
|
'speed up'
|
tanda
|
'know'
|
wanla
|
'they said'
|
In this analysis of Ayta Abellen the following word categories are inflected:
- Noun (4.5.1)
- Verb (4.5.2)
In the inflectional templates expressed below, parentheses indicate that a slot is optional.
This section lists all inflectional templates and slots for the Noun category.
The category Noun has the following template.
These are the morphemes in the noun prefix slot which inflect the stem for number. Singular nouns are not marked. [C^1][V^1]
means that the first consonant and vowel are reduplicated from the stem.
The following is a listing of the fillers of the slot involved in Noun inflection.
These are the morphemes in the noun prefix slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'PL'
|
Plural |
This section lists all inflectional templates and slots for the Verb category and its subcategories.
The category Verb has the following templates.
This is the inflection template for AV/PV/CV verbs. This template is valid for not only the Verb category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb.
Aspect |
Voice prefix |
Stem |
aN-
|
'CONT'
|
-in-
|
'PFV'
|
m-
|
'CTPLT'
|
n -
|
'PFV'
|
|
Ø-
|
'AV'
|
i-
|
'CV'
|
-om-
|
'AV '
|
-om-
|
'PV'
|
|
|
This is the inflection template for OV/GV verbs. This template is valid for not only the Verb category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb.
This is the inflection template for aspect-voice portmanteau forms. This template is valid for not only the Verb category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb.
Aspect/voice |
Stem |
-in-
|
'PFV, OV'
|
in--
|
'PFV, OV'
|
iN-
|
'PFV, CV'
|
|
|
This is the inflection template for prolonged action stems that are derived into nouns. This template is valid for not only
the Verb category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb. This template is a non-final template. That is, when it applies, it does not yet make a well-formed word. It requires a
derivational affix to change its category and then the resulting category may have an inflectional template to complete it.
This is the inflection template for stative verbs. This template is valid for not only the Verb category, but also its subcategory: Pseudo verb.
The following is a listing of the fillers of the slots involved in Verb inflection.
These are the morphemes in the aspect slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
aN-
|
'CONT'
|
Continuous aspect. |
-in-
|
'PFV'
|
Perfective aspect. |
m-
|
'CTPLT'
|
Contemplated aspect. |
n -
|
'PFV'
|
Perfective aspect. |
These are the morphemes in the aspect/voice slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
-in-
|
'PFV, OV'
|
Perfective aspect, object voice. |
in--
|
'PFV, OV'
|
Perfective aspect, object voice. |
iN-
|
'PFV, CV'
|
Perfective aspect, conveyance voice. |
These are the morphemes in the om prefix slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
-om-
|
'AV '
|
Actor voice. |
-om-
|
'PV'
|
Patient voice. |
These are the morphemes in the stative voice slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
ka-
|
'STA OV'
|
Stative patient voice. |
ka- -an
|
'STA GV'
|
Stative goal voice. |
kai-
|
'STA CV'
|
Stative conveyance voice. |
paka-
|
'STA AV'
|
Stative actor voice. |
These are the morphemes in the stative voice suffix slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
ka- -an
|
'STA GV'
|
Stative goal voice. |
These are the morphemes in the voice prefix slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
Inflection Features |
Ø--
|
'AV'
|
Actor voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:actor voice] |
|
i-
|
'CV'
|
Conveyance voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:conveyance voice] |
-om-
|
'AV '
|
Actor voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:actor voice] |
|
-om-
|
'PV'
|
Patient voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:patient voice] |
These are the morphemes in the voice suffix slot.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
Inflection Features |
-an
|
'GV'
|
Goal voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:goal voice] |
|
-en
|
'OV'
|
Object voice. |
[voice in Philippine-type languages:object voice] |
|
This section lists all inflectional templates and slots for the Pseudo verb category.
The category Pseudo verb has the following template.
This inflectional template for Pseudo verb has the following slot after the stem.
The category Pseudo verb does not define any slots. Its templates, however, may use any of these slots: aspect, aspect/voice, om prefix, stative voice, stative voice suffix, voice prefix, and voice suffix.
The lexicon currently contains 42 derivational affixes. A number in the table below indicates the number of derivational affixes
that attach to a stem of the syntactic category named in the row label to the left and produce a stem of the syntactic category
named in the column label above it. (Note that it is possible for a derivational affix to have more than one mapping so the
sum of the numbers in the table may be greater than the number of derivational affixes in the lexicon.)
The following are the derivational affixes in this analysis of Ayta Abellen:
ma-
|
'Adj, SG'
|
Adjective, singular. |
manga-
|
'Adj, PL'
|
Plural adjective marker. |
ma-
|
'Adj, SG'
|
Singular adjective marker. |
Dup-
|
'DIMUN'
|
Diminuative root reduplication. |
pinaka-
|
'SUP'
|
Superlative degree marker. |
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'EMPH'
|
Emphasis. |
ka- -an
|
'COLL'
|
Collective noun marker. |
^0-
|
'Adj > V'
|
Adjective to Verb null derivation. |
titi-
|
'X per'
|
X per. |
mani-
|
'each'
|
Each. Denotes distributivity of numerals. |
ti-
|
'each'
|
Each. Denotes distributivity of numerals. |
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'EMPH'
|
Emphasis. |
manga-
|
'approximately'
|
Approximately. |
labin-
|
'10 +'
|
Ten plus X. |
ika-
|
'ORD NUM '
|
Ordinal number marker. |
maika-
|
'ord num verbalizer'
|
Ordinal number verbalizer. |
^0-
|
'N > Adj'
|
Noun to adjective null derivation. |
ka- -an
|
'COLL'
|
Collective noun marker. |
mi-
|
'SOC REL'
|
Social relationship noun marker. |
^0-
|
'N>V'
|
Noun to verb null derivation. |
^0-
|
'Num>V'
|
Number to verb null derivation. |
ka-
|
'STA NUM'
|
Ordinal number to verb derivation. |
pāg-
|
'PA.GER'
|
Prolonged singular action gerundivizer. |
pāy-
|
'REC.PA.GER'
|
Reciprocal prolonged action gerundivizer. |
pangi-
|
'PL.DETR.GER'
|
Plural action detransitive gerundivizer. |
pāngi-
|
'PL.PA.DETR.GER'
|
Plural prolonged action detransitive gerundivizer. |
pāN-
|
'PL.PA.GER'
|
Plural prolonged action gerundivizer. |
māN-
|
'OCCUP'
|
Occupational noun marker. |
ka-
|
'ASSOC'
|
Reciprocal association marker. |
paN -
|
'PL.GER'
|
Plural action gerundivizer. |
pag-
|
'SG.GER'
|
Singular action gerundivizer. |
māg-
|
'OCCUP'
|
Occupational noun marker. |
Citation form |
Gloss |
Definition |
To inflection class |
ka-
|
'STA'
|
Stative. |
|
paki-
|
'REQ'
|
Request mode. |
|
pangi-
|
'PL.DETR'
|
Plural, detransitive. |
|
pāngi-
|
'PL.DETR'
|
Plural, detransitive. |
|
Dup-
|
'DIMUN'
|
Diminuative root reduplication. |
|
[C^1][V^1]-
|
'EMPH'
|
Emphasis. |
|
pai-
|
'CAUS.2TRANS'
|
Causative mode, bitransitive. |
partial |
pa-
|
'CAUS'
|
Causative. Denotes that someone permits or causes someone to do something. |
partial |
pag-
|
'DUR'
|
Durative mode. Verbal action spans a duration of time. |
partial |
paka-
|
'APT'
|
Aptative mode. Signals that a noun phrase has an actor relationship to a transitive verb, denoting abilitative action. |
partial |
paki-
|
'REQ'
|
Request mode. Signals that an active verb has an actor relationship to a noun phrase, indicating a request for social action. |
partial |
paN -
|
'PL'
|
Plural action mode. Indicates that plurality of events taking place. |
|
pay-
|
'REC'
|
Reciprocal mode. Signals that the actors referred to by the noun phrase are involved in reciprocal action to each other. |
partial |
pi-
|
'HAB'
|
Habitual mode. Signals that the event is occurring habitually. |
partial |
In this analysis of Ayta Abellen there are 19 clitics.
Form |
Gloss |
Definition |
Category |
Attaches to: |
=ana
|
'now'
|
Now, already. Signals that a condition, an action or process has reached a certain actual state. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=awod
|
'so'
|
So, therefore, then. Expression signals inference relation. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=bay
|
'EMPH'
|
Forming long or maybe better emphatic forms of demonstrative pronouns, conjunctions and adverbs. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=bega
|
'absolutely'
|
Absolutely. Not even a little bit. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=bengat
|
'just'
|
Just. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=dayi
|
'OPT'
|
Optative mood. Added to express a wish of the speaker that an action be possible. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=ingat
|
'on other hand'
|
On other hand, rather. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=kano
|
'it is said'
|
Supposedly; so they said; so he said; so it is said; according to. (Often an expression of doubt). |
Adverb |
Any category |
=lagi
|
'possibly'
|
Possibly; perhaps. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=laweh
|
'uncertainty'
|
Marks questions, often denoting uncertainty. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=manayti
|
'surprise'
|
Denotes mild surprise at new information, or an unexpected event or situation, or in expressing an afterthought. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=modin
|
'same'
|
Same as always. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=n
|
'COMP'
|
Complementizer. |
Connective |
Any category |
'GEN'
|
Genitive case marker contraction. |
Preposition |
Any category |
=nayi
|
'QUES'
|
Marks an utterance as a question, often denoting politeness. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=pa
|
'still'
|
Still. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=po
|
'yet'
|
Yet, still. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=tana
|
'just '
|
Just. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=teed
|
'also, too'
|
Also, too. |
Adverb |
Any category |
=y
|
'NOM'
|
Nominative case marker contraction. |
Preposition |
Any category |
Ayta Abellen has a morpho-syntactic feature system with the feature structure types listed in section 4.8.1 and the features given in section 4.8.2.
Ayta Abellen has a feature system with the following feature structure types:
Ayta Abellen verbs have the following features:
Name |
Description |
voice in Philippine-type languages |
Philippine-type languages (e.g. Tagalog and Cebuano as well as some in Malaysia) have a voice or focus system in which the
verb selects the semantic role of the grammatical subject. The verb has an affix which indicates the semantic role of the
nominative marked argument.
|
aspect |
Aspect is a grammatical category associated with verbs that expresses a temporal view of the event or state expressed by the
verb.
|
Features common to agreement on pronouns. It has the following features:
Name |
Description |
case |
Case is a grammatical category determined by the syntactic or semantic function of a noun or pronoun. |
Ayta Abellen has a morpho-syntactic feature system with the following features:
Aspect is a grammatical category associated with verbs that expresses a temporal view of the event or state expressed by the
verb. It has the following possible values:
Name |
Abbreviation |
Description |
continuous aspect |
cont |
Continuous aspect is an imperfective aspect that expresses an ongoing, but not habitual, occurrence of the state or event
expressed by the verb.
|
perfective aspect |
pfv |
Perfective aspect is an aspect that expresses a temporal view of an event or state as a simple whole, apart from the consideration
of the internal structure of the time in which it occurs.
|
contemplated aspect |
ctplt |
Contemplated aspect is an aspect that expresses an action that is not started but is anticipated. |
Case is a grammatical category determined by the syntactic or semantic function of a noun or pronoun. It has the following
possible values:
Name |
Abbreviation |
Description |
dative case |
dat |
Dative case is a case that marks any of the following: (1) Indirect objects (for languages in which they are held to exist);
(2) Nouns having the role of (a) recipient (as of things given), (b) beneficiary of an action, or (c) possessor of an item.
|
nominative case |
nom |
Nominative case is the case that identifies clause subjects in nominative-accusative languages. Nouns used in isolation have
this case.
|
genitive case |
gen |
Genitive case is a case in which the referent of the marked noun is the possessor of the referent of another noun. The genitive
case can also be used for the actor in non actor voice sentences.
|
Philippine-type languages (e.g. Tagalog and Cebuano as well as some in Malaysia) have a voice or focus system in which the
verb selects the semantic role of the grammatical subject. The verb has an affix which indicates the semantic role of the
nominative marked argument. It has the following possible values:
Name |
Abbreviation |
Description |
actor voice |
AV |
The nominative marked argument has the semantic role of actor. |
patient voice |
PV |
The nominative marked argument has the semantic role of patient. |
object voice |
OV |
The nominative marked argument is the object toward which the verbal action is directed. |
conveyance voice |
CV |
The nominative marked argument has the semantic role of a theme being conveyed in some way by the verbal action. |
goal voice/focus |
GV |
The nominative marked argument has the semantic role of goal or recipient. |
This analysis of Ayta Abellen has phonological conditioning of allomorphs.
The following is a complete list of the phonological environments that condition allomorphs in this analysis:
Representation |
Name |
Description |
Count |
/ # _ [Bil] |
_ Bil |
Stem Initial, Before Bilabial |
2 instances |
/ # _ [V] |
_ V |
Stem initial, Before Vowel |
8 instances |
/ [C] _ |
[C] _ |
After Consonant |
2 instances |
/ _ [C^1][V^1] |
CV Redup |
Consonant Vowel Reduplication |
2 instances |
/ _ [V^1] |
_ [V^1] |
Before reduplicated Vowel |
2 instances |
/ # _ [Alv] |
_ Alv |
Stem Initial, Before Alveolar |
2 instances |
/ # _ [Vel] |
_ Vel |
Stem Initial, Before Velar |
2 instances |
/ # [C] _ |
C _ |
After stem-initial Consonant |
2 instances |
/ # [Nas] _ |
[Nas] _ |
After Stem-initial Nasal |
11 instances |
/ # [Nas] _ [C] |
# [Nas] _ [C] |
After stem initial Nasal and before Consonant |
1 instance |
/ # [Nas] _ [V] |
# [Nas] _ [V] |
After stem initial Nasal and before Vowel |
1 instance |
/ # _ |
# _ |
Word initial |
7 instances |
/ # _ [V^1] |
V Redup |
Vowel Reduplication |
1 instance |
/ # _ h |
_ h |
Before h |
1 instance |
/ [Nas] _ |
_ Nas |
Following Nasal |
7 instances |
/ _ [V] |
_ [V] |
Before Vowel |
3 instances |
/ _ a |
_a |
Before a |
1 instance |
/ _ w |
_ w |
Before w |
2 instances |
/ y _ |
y _ |
After y |
1 instance |
The following is a complete list of the phonological environments that condition infix positioning in this analysis:
Representation |
Name |
Description |
Count |
/ # _ [V] |
_ V |
Stem initial, Before Vowel |
7 instances |
/ [C] _ |
[C] _ |
After Consonant |
2 instances |
/ # [C] _ |
C _ |
After stem-initial Consonant |
4 instances |
/ # _ |
# _ |
Word initial |
2 instances |
/ _ w |
_ w |
Before w |
2 instances |
This analysis of Ayta Abellen also has allomorphy that is lexically conditioned by inflection class.
The category Verb has the inflection classes shown in the following table. There is no default inflection class for this category.
Name |
Description |
Stem count |
Affix count |
Motion
|
Motion verbs |
36 stems |
3 affixes |
Partial
|
Partially inflectable |
14 stems |
1 affix |
State
|
Change of state verbs |
35 stems |
3 affixes |
The following natural classes have been defined in this analysis of Ayta Abellen.
Class |
Phonemes |
Class Name |
Alv |
d, h, l, n, t |
Alveolar plus |
Bil |
b, m, p |
Bilabial |
C |
b, d, g, h, k, l, m, n, ŋ, p, t, w, y, ʔ |
Consonant |
Glot |
h |
Glottal |
Nas |
m, n, ŋ |
Nasal |
V |
a, e, i, o, u |
Vowel |
Vel |
g, k, ŋ |
Velar |
The following sets of morphemes or allomorphs never co-occur in the same wordform, but the morphological description given
above does not yet offer an explanation. They are listed as follows:
The following table delineates the sets of morphemes which may not co-occur:
Key morpheme |
Cannot occur |
Other morphemes |
|
Adjacent before |
|
|
Anywhere around |
|
|
Adjacent before |
|
|
Adjacent before |
|
The following table delineates the sets of allomorph/morpheme pairs which may not co-occur:
Key allomorph/morpheme |
Cannot occur |
Other allomorph/morphemes |
|
Adjacent after |
|
|
Anywhere around |
|
|
Adjacent before |
|
The syntax outline that follows was generated using PAWS.
The Ayta Abellen language is spoken in the province of Tarlac in the Philippines. There are approximately 3,500 speakers.
Ayta Abellen is a member of the Sambal language subgroup.
After giving information on the syntactic typology of the language, the grammar begins by describing the smaller phrases which
can modify other phrases before moving through several types of nominal phrases and on to adpositional phrases. Basic, main
clause sentences are then covered, followed finally by various types of embedded clauses and constructions involving changes
in word order.
This is a description of the syntax of Ayta Abellen based on the answers given to the PAWS Starter Kit. Examples from Tagalog
are supplied for each section for comparison.
Tagalog as well as most Philippine languages are Verb-Subject-Object languages.
The basic word order of Ayta Abellen in transitive sentences is also VSO, as shown in the following examples:
(178) |
a. |
N-am-Ø-yay |
ya=n |
pilak |
ye |
Pablo |
kangko. |
PFV-PL-AV-give |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
money |
NOM |
Pablo |
1SG.DAT |
'Pablo gave money to me.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Bogbog-en |
la |
ya=n |
la-laki |
CTPLT-beat-OV |
3PL.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
PL-man |
|
ye |
Juan |
ha |
loob |
baey |
na. |
NOM |
Juan |
DAT |
inside |
house |
3SG.GEN |
'The men will beat Juan inside his house.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Am-paolay-an |
na |
ya=n |
Apo |
Dioh |
ye |
laki. |
CONT-abandon-GV |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
Lord |
God |
NOM |
man |
'The man is being abandoned by God.' |
|
|
|
In keeping with the head-initial typology, Ayta Abellen has prepositions (section 5.9.2).
Possessors occur after the noun being possessed (section 5.6.4). Adjective phrases occur on either side (but not both sides) of the noun they are modifying (section 5.6.5). Relative clauses occur after the head noun (section 5.14).
In Ayta Abellen, pro-drop of the nominative marked argument is allowed for subject, direct object, and indirect object (section
5.11.2).
Ayta Abellen has auxiliaries which are written as separate words (section 5.11.3).
In Yes/No questions, there is a question marker which occurs in the second position of the sentence (section 5.13.1). In content questions, an interrogative phrase moves to the front of the clause (section 5.13.2).
Quantifiers can show up in various places in a nominal phrase. Most languages have four sets of quantifiers:
- Those meaning all or not, which modify the whole nominal phrase,
- quantifiers such as some or no, which do not co-occur with any other modifers except adjectives,
- other quantifiers such as many or few, and
- numbers.
Each type will be considered in turn.
Quantifiers meaning all or not seem to be a category of their own. They usually occur first (or last) in a nominal phrase, in a position distinct from the
other quantifiers but in the same place as degree words like only and just (which can also act as focus markers, to be discussed in section 5.18) and words that mean the same as almost (which can also co-occur with all), so we will refer to them as special degree words. These words modify the whole nominal phrase, as in all five children, only Sue's three children, nearly all John's young children and just this many children. Note that not can occur in place of or before these other special degree words, as in not the children, not all five children, not just this many children or not only Sue's three children.
Tagalog quantifiers which can modify the whole nominal phrase include words like lahat 'all', halos 'almost all', and lang 'only'. Examples of nominal phrases are:
(179) |
lahat |
ng |
mga |
anak |
ni |
Rosie |
all |
GEN |
PL |
child |
GEN |
Rosie |
'all the children of Rosie' |
|
(180) |
ang |
mga |
hayop |
sa |
bukid |
lang |
NOM |
PL |
animal |
DAT |
mountain |
only |
'only the animals in the mountains' |
|
Ayta Abellen uses the following to express these notions:
(181) |
|
Ayta Abellen |
meaning |
|
'all' |
|
'almost all' |
|
'only or just' |
|
In Ayta Abellen, these are expressed as separate words which modify the whole nominal phrase. They occur on either side (but
not both sides) of the rest of the nominal phrase. Ayta Abellen positive nominal phrase examples include:
(182) |
a. |
kaganaan |
a |
tanam |
nan |
laki |
all |
LNK |
feelings |
GEN |
man |
|
|
|
b. |
hilan |
kaganaan |
ti |
hahapon |
a |
manga-tobag |
NOM |
all |
NOM |
Japanese |
LNK |
PL-cruel |
'all the cruel Japanese (soldiers)' |
|
|
|
c. |
yabayin |
anan |
bengat |
this |
now |
just |
|
|
|
d. |
maghay |
kolap |
bengat |
one |
blink |
only |
'just the blink of an eye' |
|
|
|
The second set includes quantifiers like some, every, and no, which do not allow any other articles, demonstratives or possessors in the nominal phrase. English examples include some sad children, almost every little girl that I see and no black dogs. Because they take the place of articles, demonstratives and possessors, we will treat these quantifiers as determiners with
their own phrase structure rule.
Philippine languages like Tagalog have quantifiers which act as the only determiner in the nominal phrase as in (183) and (184).
(184) |
tuwing |
umaga |
every |
morning |
|
Ayta Abellen has the following positive quantifiers which act as the only determiner in the nominal phrase:
(185) |
|
Positive Quantifiers |
balang |
|
pawa |
|
kaganaan |
'all' |
|
Ayta Abellen examples of positive quantifier determiners in full nominal phrases include:
(186) |
a. |
balang |
magha |
kanla |
each |
one |
DAT.3PL |
|
|
|
b. |
kaganaan |
a |
ta-tao |
all |
LNK |
PL-person |
|
|
|
Other quantifiers, like many, much, and few, come in a different position in the nominal phrase. In English, this is after an article, demonstrative or possessor and
before an adjective and noun, as in John's many black dogs. Further, these quantifiers can be modified by degree words such as very and so, as in very many dogs or so much waste.
In Tagalog these quantifiers, marami 'many' and kaunti 'few', generally precede the noun with the possessor or demonstrative following the noun, as in,
(187) |
sa |
mga |
maraming |
aso |
ni |
Juan |
DAT |
PL |
many |
dog |
GEN |
Juan |
'to the many dogs of Juan' |
|
(188) |
ang |
kaunting |
tubig |
na |
ito |
NOM |
little |
water |
LNK |
this |
'this little amount of water' |
|
Ayta Abellen has the following quantifiers of this type:
Quantifiers |
malabong |
|
makandi |
|
Ayta Abellen has degree words which can modify the quantifiers. These degree words occur on either side of the quantifier.
Ayta Abellen examples include:
(189) |
a. |
malabong |
a |
tobat |
hila=y |
ta-tao |
many |
LNK |
very |
NOM=NOM |
PL-person |
'very many are the people' |
|
|
|
b. |
tobat |
a |
malabong |
ye |
n-a-kwa |
na |
very |
LNK |
many |
NOM |
PFV-STA.OV-get |
3SG.GEN |
'very many is what he got' |
|
|
|
c. |
makandi |
ya=n |
tobat |
few |
3SG=LNK |
very |
|
|
|
Numbers cannot be modified by the degree words like the quantifiers can, though they occur in the same position. Cardinal
numbers can, however, be modified by ordinal numbers and by next and last, as in the first twenty boys or the next one hundred years. Ordinal numbers and next and last can also modify nouns directly, as in the third girl and the last boy. Since these modifiers (including ordinal numbers) also act as regular adjectives in modifying nouns directly, they act syntactically
like adjectives.
Tagalog cardinal numbers can be modified by ordinal numbers and by 'next' and 'last', as in,
(190) |
yong |
unang |
isang |
daan |
those |
first |
one |
hundred |
'those first one hundred' |
|
(191) |
ang |
susunod |
na |
baente |
na |
taon |
NOM |
next |
LNK |
twenty |
LNK |
year |
|
The basic forms for Ayta Abellen cardinal numbers are given in the following chart:
(192) |
|
Cardinal Numbers |
1 through 10 |
magha |
'one' |
loa |
'two' |
tatlo |
'three' |
apat |
'four' |
lima |
'five' |
anim |
'six' |
pito |
'seven' |
walo |
'eight' |
hyam |
'nine' |
mapo |
'ten' |
|
11 through 20 |
mapo boy magha |
'eleven' |
mapo boy loa |
'twelve' |
mapo boy tatlo |
'thirteen' |
mapo boy apat |
'fourteen' |
mapo boy lima |
'fifteen' |
mapo boy anim |
'sixteen' |
mapo boy pito |
'seventeen' |
mapo boy walo |
'eighteen' |
mapo boy hyam |
'nineteen' |
loampo |
'twenty' |
|
30 through 100 (by tens) |
tatlompo' |
'thirty' |
apatapo' |
'forty' |
limampo' |
'fifty' |
anemapo' |
'sixty' |
pitompo' |
'seventy' |
walompo' |
'eighty' |
hyamapo' |
'ninety' |
maghay gatoh |
'one hundred' |
|
|
Larger cardinal numbers can be compounds which may be written as separate words, such as one hundred thirty three, four thousand and three or six thousand one hundred and thirty three. Examples of compound numbers in Ayta Abellen include:
(193) |
a. |
malibo |
boy |
hiyam |
a |
gatoh |
boy |
apatapo |
boy |
lima. |
thousand |
and |
nine |
LNK |
hundred |
and |
forty |
and |
five |
|
|
|
Tagalog ordinal numbers, with the exception of una first, are formed by adding the prefix ika-, as in ikalawa second, ikatlo third, ikaapat fourth. Ordinal numbers can also modify nouns directly, as in,
(194) |
ikalawang |
buwan |
second |
month |
|
In Ayta Abellen, ordinal numbers also may be formed by adding a prefix to the cardinal number. The first ten ordinal numbers
are:
(195) |
|
Ordinal Numbers |
first through tenth |
ona |
'first' |
ikalwa |
'second' |
ikatlo |
'third' |
ikapat |
'fourth' |
ikalima |
'fifth' |
ikanem |
'sixth' |
ikapito |
'seventh' |
ikawalo |
'eighth' |
ikahyam |
'ninth' |
ikapo' |
'tenth' |
|
|
When the ordinal numbers in Ayta Abellen modify a cardinal number, as in the first twenty boys, they occur before the cardinal number.
Ayta Abellen examples of the use of ordinal numbers and the modifiers meaning "last" or "next" within a nominal phrase include:
(196) |
a. |
ikaloa=n |
baey |
ha |
wanan |
second=LNK |
house |
DAT |
right |
'second house on the right' |
|
|
|
b. |
hoyot |
a |
mangaamot |
last |
LNK |
day |
|
|
|
Adverbs express four basic types of information:
- time,
- location,
- manner, and
- reason or purpose.
These types have different characteristics as to which positions they may occupy and how they may be modified. Each type will
be covered in turn.
Languages normally have degree words which can modify at least some types of adverbs. Ayta Abellen has such degree words.
These degree words occur after the adverb. The degree words can modify temporals, locatives, and manner adverbs, but reason
or purpose adverbs are not modified.
Temporal adverbs include the English words: already, then, soon, now, later, and always. Examples including degree word modifiers are: very soon, much later and only now. Many languages also have a negative temporal adverb meaning 'no when', such as never in English.
Tagalog temporal adverbs include: madalas 'often', minsan-minsan 'sometimes', mamaya 'sometimes', ngayon 'now', noong 'back then', nang 'when', buhat 'from', mula 'from', palagi 'always', and hanggang 'until'. Degree for temporal adverbs is communicated in a variety of ways like using a past particle in mula pa noon 'from back then', or adding a prefix as in napakadalas 'very often'. The Tagalog negative temporal adverb phrase kahit kailan literally means 'even when'.
Examples of Ayta Abellen positive temporal adverbs and any degree words which can modify them include:
Examples of these positive temporal adverbs in sentences include:
(198) |
a. |
Main |
ya=n |
hakit |
paibat |
ha |
hatew. |
EXT |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
sickness |
from |
when |
time-past |
'He has been sick from earlier.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Haanin |
lalo |
ya=n |
Ø-om-way |
ye |
ginit |
na. |
now |
more |
3SG.NOM=COMP |
CTPLT-AV-widen |
NOM |
tear |
3SG.GEN |
'Now, the tear will get even wider.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Lano |
madeglem, |
m-Ø-akew |
kitawo |
ha |
baey |
na. |
later |
tonight |
CTPLT-AV-go |
1PL.INCL |
DAT |
house |
3SG.GEN |
'Later tonight we will go to his house.' |
|
|
|
d. |
Lanang |
ya=n |
am-pag-Ø-habi=n |
always |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
CONT-PL-AV-speaking=GEN |
|
laban |
ha |
gobyerno. |
against |
DAT |
government |
'Always he is speaking against the government.' |
|
|
|
e. |
Popoh |
hila=n |
am-pay-Ø-tipon |
ha |
baey |
la. |
always |
3PL.NOM=LNK |
CONT-REC-AV-gather |
DAT |
house |
3PL.GEN |
'Always they are gathering together at their house.' |
|
|
|
f. |
"Papainghan |
ana," |
wana. |
later |
now |
3SG.said |
"Later in the day," he said. |
|
|
|
The time element of a sentence can also be expressed by other types of words or phrases, such as: nominal phrases yesterday, last night, next year, tomorrow, a long time ago; prepositional phrases for a long time, in a little while, at 10 o'clock; and adverbial clauses while you are working, when Sue arrived. These phrases occur in the same positions as the temporal adverbs, normally either initially or finally in the clause. See
section 5.6 for the structure of nominal phrases and section 5.9 for information on pre/post-positional phrases. See also section 5.15.1 for examples of temporal adverbial clauses.
Locative adverbs include the English words: here, there, everywhere. Locative adverbs can be modified by only and right, as in: only here, right here and right there.
Locative adverbs in Tagalog include: dito 'here', diyan 'there (near hearer)', and doon 'there (far)'. Locative adverbs can be modified by lang 'only', as in diyan lang 'there only'.
Examples of Ayta Abellen positive locative adverbs and any degree words which can modify them include:
Examples of positive locative adverbs and degree words in complete sentences include:
(200) |
a. |
Ø-I-lakew |
yo |
ya |
ihti |
kangko. |
CTPLT-CV-bring |
2PL.GEN |
3SG.NOM |
here |
3SG.DAT |
|
|
|
b. |
Ano=y |
tao |
a |
anti |
ihen?' |
how.many=NOM |
people |
LNK |
present |
there |
'How many people are present there?' |
|
|
|
c. |
Malabong |
hila=y |
tatao |
ihtew |
a |
n-ang-Ø-an. |
many |
3PL=NOM |
people |
there |
LNK |
PFV-PL-AV-eat |
'Many are the people there who ate.' |
|
|
|
Location is often also expressed by a prepositional phrase, such as: in the mountains, at San Jose, over there. Many languages allow just a nominal phrase, consisting of a proper noun or description of the place. Locative expressions
may normally occur either initially or finally in the clause, or as complements to motion verbs. See section 5.11.4 for examples with motion verbs.
Manner adverbs directly modify the verb and usually end in -ly in English. These manner adverbs can be modified by very and so, as in: very quickly, so slowly and very well.
In Tagalog manner adverbs tend to occur clause final and are introduced with the word nang or the linker na/-ng, as in,
(201) |
Kailangan |
natin=g |
k<um>ain |
na=ng |
mabilis. |
must |
1PL.GEN=LNK |
<PFV.AV>eat |
GEN=LNK |
quickly |
|
(202) |
Bigla |
siya=ng |
<um>upo. |
suddenly |
3SG.NOM=LNK |
<PFV.AV>sit |
|
(First example from Schachter and Otanes 1972.)
The position of manner adverbs is similar for Ayta Abellen with the adverb being marked with the enclitic =n on the previous word. Examples include:
(203) |
a. |
Ø-Bilew-en |
mo=n |
manged. |
CTPLT-look-OV |
2SG=LNK |
well |
|
|
|
b. |
Ø-I-galang |
mo=n |
loboh. |
CTPLT-CV-honor |
2SG=GEN |
wholeheartedly |
'You wholeheartedly honor him.' |
|
|
|
In many grammars, numbers, quantifiers, articles, and demonstratives are considered adjectives, but each of them has a different
distribution from the qualitative adjectives, so they will each have distinct syntactic categories. This section is limited
to considering qualitative adjectives that express size, color, age, texture, form, or quality. One characteristic of this
type of adjective is that more than one can modify a noun and in general the order of the adjectives can change (with a slight
change in meaning due to the scope of the modification). For example, hard dull brass rods versus dull hard brass rods versus brass hard dull rods, etc. The position of adjectives within the nominal phrase will be dealt with in section 5.6.5.
Qualitative adjectives themselves may be modified. Some English examples are: very big, so blue, extremely large, very well built and very easily forgotten. Not all combinations of words work due to semantics and other considerations, but in general it seems that certain degree
words and manner adverbs or manner adverb phrases can modify adjectives.
Tagalog has qualitative adjectives, such as,
(204) |
B<in>igay |
niya |
ang |
magandang |
bulaklak |
sa |
akin |
<PFV.OV>give |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
beautiful |
flower |
DAT |
1SG.DAT |
'He gave the beautiful flower to me.' |
|
(205) |
Meron |
sila=ng |
masipag |
na |
anak |
EXT |
3PL.NOM=LNK |
industrious |
LNK |
child |
'They have an industrious child.' |
|
(Examples taken from Schachter and Otanes (1972).)
These adjectives can be either intensified or moderated. Intensification is done through reduplication as in pagod na pagod 'very tired' or butas-butas 'full of holes' or by using the napaka- prefix as in napakaganda 'very beautiful'. Moderation is expressed by using medyo 'rather' before the adjective as in medyo gutom 'rather hungry' or with nang kaunti after the adjective as in magugulo ng kaunti 'somewhat troublesome'.
Ayta Abellen has qualitative adjectives as in (206a). Intensification of adjectives is done with the degree marker tobat which can occur either after the adjective (206b) or before the adjective as in (206c). Intensification is also expressed through stem reduplication as in (206d). Moderation is expressed with the word makandi as in (206e).
(206) |
a. |
maalale |
a |
ihip |
deep |
LNK |
thought |
|
|
|
b. |
mayadet |
a |
tobat |
a |
baey |
big |
LNK |
very |
LNK |
house |
|
|
|
c. |
tobat |
a |
mayadet |
a |
baey |
very |
LNK |
big |
LNK |
house |
|
|
|
d. |
matagay |
a |
matagay |
a |
matondol |
high |
LNK |
high |
LNK |
mountain |
|
|
|
e. |
makandi=n |
kataangan |
small=LNK |
distance |
|
|
|
Nominal phrases can be very complex. This section concentrates on those with common nouns as the lexical head. Modification
by articles, demonstratives, possessors, quantifiers and degree words, adjective phrases, pre/post-positional phrases and
noun compounds is considered. Participles are also covered, but nominal phrases headed by proper names are handled in section
5.7 and those headed by pronouns, demonstratives, and quantifiers are handled in section 5.8. Relative clauses are covered in section 5.14.
The basic order of elements allowed in nominal phrases in Ayta Abellen is:
(207) |
|
(Dem) |
(QP) |
(AdjP) |
((N) N) |
N |
(AdjP) |
(QP) |
(Poss) |
(Deg) |
|
Each of these phrases will be discussed and exemplified in sections E.6.3-5.6.6, after first dealing with agreement and case marking.
Many languages require agreement between at least some of the modifiers and the head noun. While English only has number agreement,
in other languages this agreement may also include animacy, class, or gender.
Tagalog has no agreement features between the noun and modifiers for number, animacy, or gender.
In Ayta Abellen, there is also no number agreement. Instead, number marking comes from the number or quantifier. Further,
there is no agreement in animacy, class number, nor gender between the modifiers and the head noun.
Nouns and their modifiers may also be marked for case. The most common case system is nominative-accusative. This is the system
English has, though only pronouns are marked for case in English. In a nominative-accusative system, subjects of both transitive
and intransitive verbs are in nominative case, while direct objects are accusative case. Possessors are genitive case. The
nominative pronouns in English are: I, we, you, he, she, they. The accusative pronouns are: me, us, you, him, her, them. The genitive pronouns include: my, our, your, his, her, their. Therefore, we say They hit him and not Them hit he.
In an ergative-absolutive case system, subjects of transitive verbs are marked with the ergative case, while objects of transitive
verbs and subjects of intransitive verbs are marked with the absolutive case. The case of possessors is not set cross-linguistically.
Some languages with an ergative-absolutive system simply have different sets of verbal agreement markers, but no marking on
nouns.
Some languages are even more complex in that they normally have a nominative-accusative system but under some conditions the
case system switches to ergative-absolutive. This is called "split ergativity."
The case system of Philippine languages has been a topic of debate among linguists studying Philippine languages. Some have
argued for an ergative analysis (Brainard, Gault) while others (Kroeger, etc.) have argued for a nominative-accusative analysis
of the case system. The existence of different focuses or voices is a primary complicating factor. Just looking at actor focus
verbal sentences, Tagalog (and other Philippine languages) have a nominative-accusative system as the actor (subject) is marked
with the ang 'NOM' marker in both transitive and intransitive sentences. Non actor focus sentences are transitive but the difficulty in determining
what the true subject is in these constructions makes it also hard to determine whether Tagalog is truly ergative. It is helpful
just to say that Tagalog is nominative-accustive for actor voice verbal predications.
Ayta Abellen has a nominative-accusative case system in the same sense as Tagalog. Subjects of both transitive and intransitive
verbs are marked in the same way for actor voice transitive verbal sentences and use the same set of pronouns, but objects
of transitive verbs are marked differently.
The pronoun sets will be given in section 5.8.
In English, the articles are a, an, and the. English demonstratives include this, that, these, and those. Some simple examples are: a book, an apple, the book, the books, this apple and those books.
In English, articles and demonstratives do not co-occur in the same nominal phrase, and both occur before the noun. Some languages
allow both to co-occur in the same phrase, and they may occur in different positions with respect to the noun. Therefore,
they need distinct syntactic categories. Some languages only have one set, either articles or demonstratives. A few languages
may not have either type expressed as separate words.
Tagalog does not have articles but does have optional demonstratives that precede the noun, including ito 'this', iyan 'that (near)', and iyon 'that (far)'.
Ayta Abellen has only demonstratives that are realized as separate words, no articles. The demonstratives are not marked for
case. The demonstrative occurs before the noun. The presence of a demonstrative is always optional. Examples of nominal phrases
including articles and/or demonstratives as allowed in Ayta Abellen include:
(208) |
a. |
yati=n |
pag-katongtong |
tawo |
this=LNK |
GER-discuss |
1PL.INCL.GEN |
'this discussion of ours' |
|
|
|
b. |
yain |
a |
mangga |
this |
LNK |
mango |
|
|
|
c. |
yatew |
a |
kayo |
that |
LNK |
tree |
|
|
|
Possession can normally be expressed by a possessive pronoun (to be addressed in section 5.8) or by a full nominal phrase. Many languages also add some kind of marking, such as the 's in English, as an indication of possession. These markings are either affixes (or clitics) on the head noun or phrase-level
clitics which attach to one end of the whole phrase. The English marking is this second type, because alongside phrases where
the 's appears to attach to the head noun, as in the boy's mother, there are phrases which clearly show that the clitic attaches to the end of the whole nominal phrase, such as the boy that I just talked to's mother or the girl in green's wonderful speech. Possessors can also be embedded in one another, as in the boy's sister's dog.
In Tagalog, possession can be shown with an existential possessive clause, as in,
(209) |
May |
lapis |
ang |
bata. |
EXT |
pencil |
NOM |
child |
'The child has a pencil.' |
|
or with the possessor modifier following the head noun, as in,
(210) |
lapis |
ng |
bata |
pencil |
GEN |
child |
|
But the possessor does not always follow the head noun as there are constructions where both a modifier and a possessor can
precede the head noun, as in,
(211) |
maliit |
kong |
anak |
small |
1SG.GEN |
child |
|
(Examples taken from Schachter and Otanes (1972).)
In Ayta Abellen, possession can also be shown with existential possessive clauses. In non existential sentences the possessor
modifiers follow the head noun but unlike Tagalog there are no forms where the possessor can precede the head noun. Examples
of possessed nominal phrases with simple and embedded possessors in Ayta Abellen include:
(212) |
a. |
Main |
ya=n |
damwag |
ye |
Totoy. |
EXT |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
water.buffalo |
NOM |
Totoy |
'Totoy has a water buffalo.' |
|
|
|
b. |
damwag |
nan |
Totoy |
water.buffalo |
GEN |
Totoy |
|
|
|
c. |
damwag |
nin |
katongno |
nan |
kapitan |
water.buffalo |
GEN |
sibling |
GEN |
captain |
'captain's brother's water buffalo' |
|
|
|
d. |
baey |
nin |
ali |
nan |
Vangie' |
house |
GEN |
younger.sibling |
GEN |
Vangie |
'Vangie's younger sister's house' |
|
|
|
Examples with relative clauses within the possessor here, included in simple full sentences are:
(213) |
a. |
In-om-alih |
ya=yna=y |
indo |
nin |
laki |
PFV-AV-left |
3SG.NOM=now=NOM |
mother |
GEN |
man |
|
a |
k<in>atongtong |
ko. |
REL |
<PFV>talk |
1SG.GEN |
'The mother of the man that I was talking to left already.' |
|
|
|
As seen in the examples above, Ayta Abellen does not have any special marking to distinguish possessors from any other nominal
phrase. The possessors take genitive case marking but these same surface forms can function as subjects or indirect objects
in other sentences. The possessor occurs after the noun being possessed.
In English, possessors and articles or demonstratives do not co-occur in the same nominal phrase, unless the possessor is
expressed in a prepositional phrase. For example, those [the boy's] books is ungrammatical; instead one would use those books [of his] to express the same thought. Some other languages allow both possessors and articles or demonstratives to occur in the same
phrase, so the first example above would be grammatical.
In Tagalog, nominal possessors can occur in the same phrase as demonstratives where the demonstrative precedes the noun and
the possessor follows the noun, as in,
(214) |
ito=ng |
lapis |
ko |
this=LNK |
pencil |
1SG.GEN |
|
In Ayta Abellen, like Tagalog, nominal possessors may occur in the same phrase as demonstratives, as in,
(215) |
yati=n |
lapih |
ko |
this=LNK |
pencil |
1SG.GEN |
|
With the normal nominative-accusative case system followed by Ayta Abellen, possessors are marked with the genitive case.
In some languages, the possessor agrees with the case of the head noun. In other languages, the possessor is marked with its
own case, say genitive, while the head noun is marked with case depending on its position relative to the verb: nominative
or accusative, ergative or absolutive depending on the case system.
In Tagalog and Ayta Abellen, there is no case agreement for possessed NPs.
Adjective phrases (AdjP) were discussed earlier in section 5.5. Adjective phrases which modify a noun occur close to the noun, yielding nominal phrases such as: just those very few old, dirty books, all the boy’s many black dogs and only the first one hundred very eager young boys. As the English examples show, adjectives all occur before the noun, and more than one adjective phrase is allowed. This
is handled by a recursive rule.
In Tagalog, adjective phrases tend to precede the noun they modify, as in (216).
(216) |
lahat |
ng |
mga |
hinog |
na |
mangga |
PL |
GEN |
PL |
ripe |
LNK |
mango |
|
But adjective phrases can also follow the noun they modify, as in (217).
(217) |
mangga |
na |
nasa |
bahay |
mango |
LNK |
present |
house |
|
In Ayta Abellen, adjective phrases also precede the noun they modify, as in (218).
(218) |
kaganaan |
a |
manga-naom |
a |
mangga |
all |
LNK |
PL-ripe |
LNK |
mango |
|
But adjective phrases can also follow the noun they modify, as in (219).
(219) |
kaganaan |
a |
ta-tao |
a |
anti |
ihen |
ha |
baey |
ko |
all |
LNK |
PL-person |
LNK |
present |
there |
DAT |
house |
1SG.GEN |
'all the people there at my house' |
|
Many languages are like English, in that they have noun modifiers. It may seem like all nouns can also be used as adjectives,
but a closer look reveals that true adjectives come before the noun modifier, as in large, round [syrup bottle] but not *round, syrup large bottle. Therefore, noun modifiers will be treated as compound nouns which are written as separate words.
In the English examples above, bottle is clearly the head noun rather than syrup, because syrup is restricting the type of bottle, not the other way around. In all compound nouns and noun modifier constructions in English, the head is the right-most noun
in the series.
In Tagalog, the left-most noun is the head of the compound, as in,
Ayta Abellen also has compound nouns that are written as separate words. The left-most noun is the head in these constructions.
Examples include:
(222) |
a. |
tambal |
dagih |
medicine |
rat |
|
|
|
b. |
polot |
panilan |
honey |
honeybee |
|
|
|
|
|
Proper names are a special kind of noun that act syntactically just like other nouns. In English, some proper names can stand
alone, like Sue and Russia. Others are like compound nouns, such as George Washington. Proper names may also contain articles and/or pre/post-positional phrases, as in the United States of America. Many languages require an article before a name. Appositives also occur, possibly including a possessor, as in my son, David. In addition, proper names can be modified by adjectives and relative clauses, as in the good, old USA or the Susan Welch that I know.
In Tagalog, personal proper names are required to be marked for case with si (NOM), ni (GEN), or kay (DAT). Non personal proper names such as place names are marked with sa (DAT). Proper names can be modified by demonstratives, as in,
(224) |
ito=ng |
Juan |
this=LNK |
Juan |
|
Ayta Abellen has a pronominal agreement system. When there are proper noun NPs, coreferential pronouns agreeing in case, person,
and number occur in their usual positions in the clause while the full NPs follow later in the sentence. When there are no
other intervening particles or arguments it appears that the personal proper name argument is yay as in (225).
(225) |
N-ag-Ø-habi |
ya=y |
Pabling |
kanna. |
PFV-DUR-AV-speak |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
Pabling |
3SG.DAT |
|
But when there is an intervening particle, like met 'also' in (226), it can be seen that there is both a pronoun and a case marker.
(226) |
N-ag-Ø-habi |
ya |
met |
ye |
Pabling |
kanna. |
PFV-DUR-AV-speak |
3SG.NOM |
also |
NOM |
Pabling |
3SG.DAT |
'Pabling also spoke to him.' |
|
This leads to the conclusion that the correct analysis of yay in (225) should be ya=y as in (227).
(227) |
N-ag-Ø-habi |
ya=y |
Pabling |
kanna. |
PFV-DUR-AV-speak |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
Pabling |
3SG.DAT |
|
The same is true for proper nouns marked as genitive (228a) and dative (228b). Non personal proper names are marked with the dative ha as in (228c). Proper names can also be marked with a demonstrative as in (228d).
(228) |
a. |
baey |
na=n |
Pabling. |
house |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
Pabling |
|
|
|
b. |
kana=n |
Apo |
Dioh. |
3SG.DAT=GEN |
Lord |
God |
|
|
|
|
|
d. |
yati=n |
Pidigo. |
this=LNK |
Pidigo |
|
|
|
Examples of proper names with prepositional phrases in Ayta Abellen include:
(229) |
a. |
ibat |
kana=n |
Apo |
Dioh. |
from |
3SG.DAT=LNK |
Lord |
God |
|
|
|
b. |
palakew |
ha |
Tarlac. |
headed |
DAT |
Tarlac |
|
|
|
Examples of proper names modified by relative clauses included in simple full sentences in Ayta Abellen include:
(230) |
a. |
Am-Ø-pahalamat |
ako |
kana=n |
Apo |
Dioh |
CONT-AV-thank |
1SG.NOM |
3SG.DAT=LNK |
Lord |
God |
|
a |
n-am-Ø-yay |
kangko |
nin |
kaganaan. |
REL |
PFV-PL-AV-give |
1SG.DAT |
GEN |
all |
'I am thanking God who gave everything to me.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Hiyay |
Pidigo |
a |
matoa, |
main |
ya=n |
hakit. |
TM |
Pidigo |
REL |
old |
EXT |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
sickness |
'Pidigo who is old is sick.' |
|
|
|
Pronouns come in various types, including personal pronouns, possessives, reflexives, reciprocals, and indefinites. These
pronouns normally stand alone in the place of a nominal phrase, but in some languages they may be modified by determiners
and quantifiers. Each of these types and issues will be looked at in turn, after covering the agreement features on all types
of pronouns.
Pronouns normally have either more than or the same number of agreement features as nouns have.
Tagalog and Ayta Abellen pronouns have agreement features for person and number. The following chart shows the features used
for pronouns in Ayta Abellen.
(231) |
|
Type of feature |
Feature |
person |
first exclusive |
person |
first inclusive |
person |
second |
person |
third |
number |
singular |
number |
dual |
number |
plural |
|
Personal pronouns normally have either more than or the same number of case features as nouns have.
In Tagalog, personal pronouns have the same number of case features as nouns. Tagalog can be viewed as having a nominative-accusative
case system. Pronouns and nouns are marked for nominative, genitive, and dative case.
Ayta Abellen has a pronominal system similar to Tagalog. There are also three distinct sets of pronouns that correspond to
nominative, genitive, and dative case. The personal pronouns which correlate to nominative marked nominal phrases are shown
here, beginning with first person, then second person, then the third person pronouns.
(232) |
|
Nominative marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
ako |
1SG |
'I' |
kita |
1PL.DU |
'we' |
kayi |
1PL.EXCL |
'we' |
kitawo |
1PL.INCL |
'we' |
ka |
2SG |
'you' |
kawo |
2PL |
'you' |
ya |
3SG |
'he/she/it' |
hila |
3PL |
'they' |
|
Genitive marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
=ko |
1SG |
'my' |
=ta |
1PL.DU |
'our' |
=mi |
1PL.EXCL |
'our' |
=tawo |
1PL.INCL |
'our' |
=mo |
2SG |
'your' |
=yo |
2PL |
'your' |
=na |
3SG |
'his/her/its' |
=la |
3PL |
'their' |
Dative marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
kangko |
1SG |
'to me' |
kanta |
1PL.DU |
'to us' |
kammi |
1PL.EXCL |
'to us' |
kantawo |
1PL.INCL |
'to us' |
kammo |
2SG |
'to you' |
kanyo |
2PL |
'to you' |
kanna |
3SG |
'to him' |
kanla |
3PL |
'to them' |
Emphatic personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
hiko |
1SG |
'I' |
hikita |
1PL.DU |
'we' |
hikayi |
1PL.EXCL |
'we' |
hikitawo |
1PL.INCL |
'we' |
hika |
2SG |
'you' |
hikawo |
2PL |
'you' |
hiya |
3SG |
'he/she/it' |
hila |
3PL |
'they' |
Many languages also have possessive pronouns which can stand alone, such as yours, mine, theirs and hers in English. These are distinct from those pronouns which can occur in possessor position, such as your, my, their and her, which were exemplified under personal pronouns above.
Tagalog does not have any possessive pronouns that stand alone as a nominal phrase.
Ayta Abellen also does not have any possessive pronouns that stand alone as a nominal phrase.
Reflexives are another type of pronouns that most languages have. They occur only in the same case as direct objects and normally
must agree with the subject in person, gender, and number features. Examples in English are: herself, himself, themselves and myself. Some languages have a completely separate set of pronoun forms for reflexives, others use a phrase which consists of a noun
(usually meaning ‘self’) that is possessed by the pronoun that refers back to the subject, some languages have a verbal affix
which indicates reflexive action, and some languages do not distinguish reflexive constructions at all.
Reflexives in Tagalog are expressed by the noun sarili 'self' modified by a pronoun possessor as in sarili ko 'my self' or sa aking sarili 'to my self'.
Ayta Abellen also has reflexives which are phrases consisting of a certain noun with a pronoun as the possessor. The forms
used for reflexives are given here, beginning with first person, then second person, then third person:
Reflexive pronouns |
Reflexive |
Gloss |
hadili ko |
'my self' |
hadili yo |
'your self' |
hadili na |
'his self' |
Some examples with a reflexive used in oblique and object positions of a simple sentence are:
(233) |
a. |
Ahe |
na |
h<in>abi |
ye |
tongkol |
ha |
hadili |
na. |
not |
3SG.GEN |
<PFV.OV>speak |
NOM |
about |
DAT |
self |
3SG.GEN |
'He did not speak about his self.' |
|
|
|
b. |
H<in>abi |
na |
ha |
hadili |
na, |
<PFV.OV>speak |
3SG.GEN |
DAT |
self |
3SG.GEN |
|
wana, |
"Peteg |
awod |
yain." |
he-said |
true |
then |
that |
'He said to himself, "So that then is true."' |
|
|
|
c. |
Ø-I-ligtah |
mo=y |
hadili |
mo. |
CTPLT-CV-save |
2SG.GEN=NOM |
own |
2SG.GEN |
|
|
|
d. |
Ø-Biha-en |
yo=y |
hadili |
yo. |
CTPLT-careful.OV |
2PL.GEN=NOM |
self |
2PL.GEN |
|
|
|
Reciprocals are similar to reflexives except that they only occur with plural subjects. They may be formed in the same way
reflexives are, or they may be distinct. For example, in English, the reciprocal forms are phrases: each other and one another. Some languages use only a verbal affix to indicate reciprocal action of the plural subject, others have separate pronouns,
others use a possessed noun phrase or a quantified noun phrase (as in English), and some do not mark reciprocal action at
all.
Tagalog uses the mag- -an and nag- -an circumfixes attached to the verb to indicate reciprocal action, as in,
(234) |
Mag-tulung-an |
tayo. |
CTPLT.REC-help-REC |
1PL.INCL.NOM |
'We will help each other.' |
|
(235) |
Nag-halik-an |
sila. |
PFV.REC-kiss-REC |
3PL.NOM |
'They kissed each other.' |
|
Ayta Abellen also uses a verbal prefix pay- to indicate reciprocal action.
(236) |
a. |
n-a-pay-Ø-tipon |
PFV-STA-REC-AV-gather |
|
|
|
b. |
n-a-pay-Ø-tongtong |
PFV-STA-REC-AV-talk |
|
|
|
c. |
n-a-pay-Ø-laban |
PFV-STA.OV-REC-AV-fight |
|
|
|
Some examples of reciprocals in sentences are:
(237) |
a. |
Hilay |
Ayta, |
n-a-pay-Ø-tipon |
hila. |
TM |
Ayta |
PFV-STA-REC-AV-gather |
3PL.NOM |
'The Aytas, they gathered together.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Nangon, |
n-a-pay-Ø-tongtong |
Earlier, |
PFV-STA-REC-AV-discuss |
|
kayi |
ha |
baey |
ko |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
DAT |
house |
1SG.GEN |
'Earlier, we discussed together at my house.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Hilay |
Ayta |
boy |
Hapon, |
TM |
Ayta |
and |
Japanese |
|
n-a-pay-Ø-laban |
hila=yna. |
PFV-STA-REC-AV-fight |
3PL.NOM=now |
'The Ayta and Japanese fought each other.' |
|
|
|
In English, indefinites include everybody, everything, everyone, anybody, something, etc. Also, nobody, nothing, none are negative versions of the indefinite pronouns. Note that these are made up of a quantifier (positive or negative) plus
an indefinite generic noun. Some languages may not merge them into a single word, as in no one for English.
Haspelmath (2000) says that "In Tagalog, existential sentences are used where other languages use specific indefinite pronouns." The following
examples are given for positive and negative existential sentences:
(238) |
May |
d<um>ating |
kahapon. |
EXT |
<PFV.AV>arrive |
yesterday |
'Someone came yesterday.' |
|
(239) |
Walang |
d<um>ating |
kahapon. |
none |
<PFV.AV>arrive |
yesterday |
'No one arrived yesterday.' |
|
In spite of the preference for existential sentences for indefinites there are indefinite pronouns sinuman 'whoever' and kailanman 'whenever' which can occur in "a restricted range of functions" Haspelmath (2000).
Ayta Abellen also has a preference for expressing indefinites with existentials but does allow a limited number of indefinite
pronouns. In Ayta Abellen, some or all of the positive indefinites are merged into single-word pronouns. Examples of the positive
indefinite pronouns include:
Positive Indefinite Pronouns |
hinyaman |
|
makanoman |
|
wayihtewman |
'wherever' |
An example of a single word indefinite pronoun nominal phrase can be seen in (240a).
(240) |
a. |
Manged |
ya=n |
pag-ameyan |
nin |
agya |
hinyaman. |
good |
3SG.NOM=LNK |
GER-shade |
GEN |
even |
whatever |
'It's good at shading even whatever.' |
|
|
|
Though pronouns and also demonstratives, quantifiers, and numbers can stand alone as a nominal phrase in the right context,
sometimes modifiers are also allowed. In most languages, these elements cannot be modified by possessors, adjectives, or other
quantifiers, although they can be modified by a degree word, an article and/or a demonstrative. English examples of this type
include the following: all twelve, only he, just two and just those few.
In Tagalog, pronouns can be modified by a degree word, as in,
(242) |
ito |
lang |
this |
only |
'only |
this' |
|
Examples of this type in Ayta Abellen include:
In addition, it is possible to have a pronoun or quantifier modified by a relative clause, as in all those who will go with us and only these two which I saw. Examples of this type in Ayta Abellen, included in full sentences are:
(244) |
a. |
Ma-ligha |
hila |
a |
Adj-happy |
3PL.NOM |
REL |
|
n-aki-Ø-lamo |
kammi. |
PFV-REQ-AV-companion |
1PL.EXCL.DAT |
'They who joined with us were happy.' |
|
|
|
b. |
N-a-baha |
yati=n |
loa |
a |
n-a-kit |
ko. |
PFV-STA.OV-wet |
these=LNK |
two |
REL |
PFV-STA.OV-see |
1SG.GEN |
'These two which I saw were wet.' |
|
|
|
This distribution discussed for English can be accounted for by classifying pronouns, demonstratives, quantifiers, and numbers
as NPs (rather than DPs) in the expanded DP tree structure for nominal phrases. However, some languages allow pronouns to
be modified by possessors and adjectives as well, so the correct category in that case is N. A few languages may require pronouns
to stand alone without any modification at all, making them only DPs. (Possessive, reflexive, and reciprocal pronouns are
always DPs, since they must stand alone.)
For Tagalog and Ayta Abellen, the correct category or level in the tree structure for personal pronouns and other elements
which can occur without a head noun is NP, like in English, because they can be modified by degree words, demonstratives,
relative clauses and PPs, but not by possessors or adjectives. The optional PP occurs after the element acting as the head
of the nominal phrase.
This section covers the internal structure of PPs, which can be either prepositional or postpositional phrases. Possible modifiers
are considered first, then the type of PP, and finally the complements allowed.
Philippine languages like Tagalog do not have an easily identifiable set of prepositions. The case markers (ang, ng, sa) have many overlapping characteristics with prepositions but they are best labeled "proclitics" (Kroeger 1993). One of those
proclitics, sa, is sometimes labeled as the only true preposition in Tagalog. But because it also marks dative case, it is probably best
not labeled as a preposition. There are a few other words that can be safely called prepositions such as taga as in taga Maynila 'from Manila', para as in para kay Jose 'for Jose' or para sa mga tao 'for the people', and galing as in galing sa Maynila 'coming from Manila.'
Ayta Abellen also has case marking proclitics (ye, nin, ha) that are not labeled prepositions in this grammar description. Like Tagalog, there is a small set of words that can more
easily be labeled prepositions such as taga 'from', ibat 'from', palakew 'going to'. These, with the exception of taga, are used with the dative case marker ha (see 9.3).
There are normally a few degree words that can modify a whole PP, such as just and right in just around the corner and right to the last second. Ordinal numbers and adjectives can also modify PPs, as in next in line and first out the door. In addition, certain manner adverbs can modify PPs, as in almost in the hole, mostly up the tree, squarely on the table, and nearly upon the enemy.
Tagalog does not regularly allow modifiers to prepositional phrases although in some special cases this can occur as in unang galing sa Maynila 'first one from Manila'. But it should be mentioned that this is really an elided form where a noun like tao 'person' has been left out.
Ayta Abellen also does not regularly have any modifiers which occur either before or after PPs syntactically. Like Tagalog,
a contracted form of onan taon ibat ha Maynila 'first person from Manila' could result in onan ibat ha Maynila 'first from Manila', appearing to be a modfier of the PP. But this is a contracted form and neither degree words nor ordinals nor adverbials
can modify PPs as separate words.
Prepositions come before their complements, while postpositions come afterward. English has prepositions, as shown in for Joe and by the river. The prepositions or postpositions may be separate words, or they may be clitics which are attached to the edge of the complement
or to its head.
Tagalog and Ayta Abellen have prepositions only. They are all separate syntactic words. See the examples in the next section.
Prepositions or postpositions normally take a nominal phrase for their complements, as in to [Bill's house] and under [the giant Sycamore tree].
Tagalog prepositions can take a nominal phrase for the complement of a PP, as in (245).
(245) |
para |
sa |
mga |
importanteng |
tao |
sa |
Maynila |
for |
DAT |
PL |
important |
people |
DAT |
Manila |
'for the important people in Manila' |
|
Ayta Abellen prepositions can also take a nominal phrase complement of a PP, as as in (246).
(246) |
palakew |
ha |
baey |
na=n |
Pabling |
toward |
DAT |
house |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
Pabling |
'toward the house of Pabling' |
|
Most languages will allow locative adverbs as complements of prepositions or postpositions, such as over there and in here.
Tagalog allows locative adverbs as complements of prepositions as in:
(247) |
Mula |
roon, |
p<um>unta |
sila |
sa |
Bagiuo. |
from |
there |
<PFV.AV>go |
3PL.NOM |
DAT |
Bagiuo |
'From there, they went to Bagiuo.' |
|
Ayta Abellen also allows locative adverbs as complements of prepositions as in:
(248) |
Paibat |
ihtew, |
n-Ø-akew |
hila |
ha |
banwa=n |
Angeles. |
from |
there, |
PFV-AV-go |
3PL.NOM |
DAT |
city=LNK |
Angeles |
'From there, they went to the town of Angeles.' |
|
(249) |
Maligha |
hila=y |
tatao |
a |
taga |
ihtew |
happy |
3PL=NOM |
people |
LNK |
from |
there |
'The people who are from there are happy.' |
|
Locative prepositions and postpositions are a special group in that they can take another locative PP as their complement.
English examples of this type include: up [to the top], around [behind the shed] and over [by the table].
Tagalog and Ayta Abellen have locative prepositions which take a locative PP complement, as seen in (250) and (251).
(250) |
galing |
sa |
ilalim |
ng |
bahay |
niya |
from |
DAT |
underneath |
GEN |
house |
3SG.GEN |
'from underneath his house' |
|
(251) |
ibat |
ha |
hilong |
nin |
mangga |
from |
DAT |
under |
GEN |
mangga |
'from under the mango tree' |
|
Tagalog and other Austronesian languages have a rich voice and case marking system. Kroeger (1993) says, "Each verbal clause must contain one and only one nominative argument. A characteristic property of all Philippine-type
languages is that the thematic role of the nominative element is reflected in a verbal affix which I will call the voice marker."
(252) |
B<um>ili |
ang |
lalake |
ng |
isda |
sa |
tindahan. |
<PFV.AV>buy |
NOM |
man |
GEN |
fish |
DAT |
store |
'The man bought fish at the store.' |
|
(253) |
B<in>ili |
ng |
lalake |
ang |
isda |
sa |
tindahan. |
<PFV.OV>buy |
GEN |
man |
NOM |
fish |
DAT |
store |
'A man bought the fish at the store.' |
|
(254) |
B<in>il-han |
ng |
lalake |
ng |
isda |
ang |
tindahan. |
<PFV>buy-GV |
GEN |
man |
GEN |
fish |
NOM |
store |
'At the store the man bought fish.' |
|
Kroeger (1993) further says, "The voice marker in each example reflects the role of the nominative argument in that clause: AV for 'Active
Voice' (indicating that the nominative argument is the Actor); OV for 'Objective voice'; DV for 'Dative/Locative Voice.'"
Ayta Abellen has a voice system similar to Tagalog. Voice is marked on the verb which indicates the semantic role of the nominative
argument. While different terms are used here for the different voices, they are very similar to the three kinds of voice
in the Tagalog examples above. Here I use AV for Actor voice, CV for Conveyance voice, and GV for Goal voice.
(255) |
M-am-Ø-yay |
ya=n |
haa |
kammo. |
CTPLT-AV-give |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
banana |
2SG.DAT |
'He will give a banana to you.' |
|
(256) |
Ø-I-byay |
na |
ye |
haa |
kammo. |
CTPLT-CV-give |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
banana |
2SG.DAT |
'He will give the banana to you.' |
|
(257) |
Ø-Bi-an |
na |
ka=n |
haa. |
CTPLT-give-GV |
3SG.GEN |
2SG.NOM=GEN |
banana |
'He will give you a banana.' |
|
Each argument is marked for case. For a nominative analysis there are three cases: nominative, genitive, and dative. Some
view the nominative marked argument as the grammatical subject of the sentence. Others regard the actor or agent of the sentence
to be the subject. With this analysis the case marking of the subject is not the same for all voices with the subject being
marked with nominative case for actor voice and genitive case for all other voices.
This section covers intransitive, copular, transitive, ditransitive and passive sentences in their basic surface word order
(i.e. not changed by focus, topic, interrogative, or negation constructions). As noted in section 1, the typology of Ayta Abellen is VSO, so the basic word order is the verb in initial position, then the subject, then any
complements. The order with any auxiliaries present will be discussed in section 5.11.3.
Before discussing each of the sentence types in turn, general issues of inflection and agreement features, pro-drop, and auxiliaries
will be covered.
Verbs usually carry inflection features, such as tense, aspect, and/or mood. In most cases, these features are added by affixes,
but may also be part of irregular verb forms.
Tagalog verbs are inflected for aspect. Schachter and Otanes (1972) define three aspects.
(258) |
|
Type of feature |
Feature |
aspect |
continuative |
aspect |
imperfective |
aspect |
perfective |
|
Ayta Abellen verbs are also inflected for aspect.
(259) |
|
Type of feature |
Feature |
aspect |
continuative |
aspect |
contemplated |
aspect |
perfective |
|
Some languages are pro-drop languages which allow a subject and/or object to be missing. For example, in Spanish the normal
way to say "I buy a book" is Compro un libro rather than with the overt subject pronoun included: Yo compro un libro. This is not allowed in English, except for imperatives. (The missing subject of infinitives in embedded complements will
be covered in section 5.12.)
Tagalog is a pro-drop language. Kroeger (1998) says "Virtually any argument can be referred to with zero anaphora, including oblique recipients."
In Ayta Abellen, pro-drop is also allowed in any type of sentence and for any type of argument as evidenced by the deletion
of the subject in (260a), the direct object in (260b), and the indirect object in (260c).
(260) |
a. |
Ket |
ahe |
ana |
n-an-Ø-dawa. |
and |
not |
now |
PFV-PL-AV-fruit |
'And [it] did not now bear fruit.' |
|
|
|
b. |
K<ing>wa |
ko=yna. |
<PFV.OV>-take |
1SG.GEN=already |
|
|
|
c. |
Haanin, |
Ø-i-byay |
mo=yna=y |
haa. |
now |
CTPLT-CV-give |
2SG.GEN=now=NOM |
banana |
'Now, you give the bananas [to him].' |
|
|
|
Some languages have auxiliary elements that are separate words, and some can have more than one auxiliary element before the
main verb. Examples for English transitive single-clause sentences include: The boy will hit the ball, The boy might have hit the ball and The boy might have been hitting the ball.
In some languages verbal negation is an auxiliary element, while in others it is simply a verbal affix. English has both the
negative auxiliary not, which is a separate word that must always follow another auxiliary, and the contraction form -n't, which is written as a suffix on the auxiliary. Examples of English negative transitive single-clause sentences include:The boy did not hit the ball, The boy won't hit the ball and The boy might not have hit the ball.
Tagalog has a negative auxilary hindi 'not'. This is the only type of verbal negation in the language.
Ayta Abellen has a negative auxiliary ahe 'not' which is written as a separate word, and that is the only type of verbal negation in the language. There is no negative verbal
affix nor negative auxiliary affix. The negative auxiliary may be the only auxiliary in the phrase; no other auxiliary is
required.
See section 5.16.2 for examples of these negative elements used in sentences and further discussion of the negation constructions in Ayta Abellen.
Simple intransitives do not have any complements after the verb, such as in The girl swims. Motion verbs include a location in the form of either a PP or adverb. English examples of motion verbs include The girl ran around the track, My mother went to the store and My teacher came here.
Examples of Tagalog intransitive verb sentences are:
(261) |
Nag-la~laro |
ang |
mga |
bata. |
AV-CONT~play |
NOM |
PL |
child |
'The children are playing.' |
|
(262) |
Um-upo |
siya. |
PFV.AV-sit |
3SG.NOM |
|
Examples of simple intransitive sentences in Ayta Abellen include:
(263) |
a. |
T<in><om>angoy |
ya. |
<PFV><AV>-swim |
3SG.NOM |
|
|
|
b. |
Am-pang-Ø-an |
hila |
po. |
CONT-PL-AV-eat |
3PL.NOM |
still |
|
|
|
An example of a Tagalog motion verb sentence is:
(264) |
P<um>unta |
sila |
sa |
dagat. |
<PFV.AV>-go |
3PL.NOM |
DAT |
ocean |
'They went to the ocean.' |
|
Ayta Abellen examples with motion verbs include:
(265) |
a. |
N-Ø-ayew |
ya=y |
babayi |
ha |
gilid |
dagat. |
PFV-AV-run |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
woman |
DAT |
side |
ocean |
'The woman ran to the seashore.' |
|
|
|
b. |
N-Ø-akew |
ya |
ha |
banwa. |
PFV-AV-go |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
city |
|
|
|
c. |
Hiyay |
maihtodo |
ko, |
n-Ø-akew |
ya |
ihti. |
TM |
teacher |
1SG.GEN |
PFV-Ø-go |
3SG.NOM |
here |
|
|
|
Copular sentences can have an adjective, PP, or nominal phrase following the copular verb. Some languages do not require a
copular verb or auxiliary to be present. English examples include The girl is pretty, She seems nice, The girl is in charge and He is the leader.
Tagalog copular sentences do not require a copular verb Kroeger (1998) although it has been proposed that Tagalog has a null copula which sometimes is overt in the form of maging 'become' Richards (2009).
Ayta Abellen copular sentences also do not require a copular verb as seen in (266) and (267).
(266) |
Yabayin |
ye |
baey |
ko. |
that |
NOM |
house |
1SG.GEN |
'That |
is |
my |
house.' |
|
(267) |
Manged |
ye |
pakibat |
mo. |
good |
NOM |
answer |
2SG.GEN |
'Your |
answer |
is |
good.' |
|
Examples of English transitive single-clause sentences include The batter will hit the ball, My baby wants that toy and The dog might have buried his bone.
Examples of Tagalog transitive sentences include:
(268) |
B<in>ili |
niya |
ang |
isda. |
<PFV.OV>buy |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
fish |
|
Ayta Abellen examples of transitive sentences include:
(269) |
a. |
H<in>aliw |
na |
ya=n |
anak |
ko |
<PFV.OV>buy |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
child |
1SG.POSS |
'My child purchased the gift.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Ø-Bogbog-en |
na |
ya=n |
Totoy |
CTPLT-beat-OV |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
Totoy |
|
ye |
kaaway |
na. |
NOM |
enemy |
3SG.GEN |
'Totoy will beat up his enemy.' |
|
|
|
Ditransitives are verbs where a subject can take two objects. The second object can be expressed as a PP or as a nominal phrase.
Some languages, like English, allow both types via dative movement, as in The girl gave the gift to her mother and The girl gave her mother the gift.
For Tagalog ditransitive verbs both the theme and the recipient are nominal phrases. In conveyance voice constructions like
(270) the theme is a nominative marked nominal phrase while the recipient is a dative marked nominal phrase.
(270) |
I-bi~bigay |
niya |
ang |
sapatos |
sa |
nanay |
niya. |
CV-CTPLT~give |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
shoes |
DAT |
mother |
3SG.GEN |
'He will give the shoes to his mother.' |
|
But for goal voice, the first object is a nominative marked nominal phrase with the semantic role of recipient while the second
object is a genitive marked nominal phrase with the semantic role of theme, as in,
(271) |
Bi~bigy-an |
niya |
ang |
nanay |
niya=ng |
sapatos. |
CTPLT~give-GV |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
mother |
3SG=GEN |
shoes |
'He will give his mother shoes.' |
|
In Ayta Abellen, like Tagalog, both objects in a ditransitive clause are expressed as nominal phrases. When all three objects
are full nominal phrases, the argument with the semantic role of actor is typically marked as topic and left dislocated as
in (272a). When pronouns are used for both the actor and the recipient, the order of the arguments remains the same as in (272b). The order of arguments for ditransitive clauses does change, however, for different voices. With the goal voice example
in (272a) the order is actor (genitive), recipient (nominative), theme (genitive). For object voice in (272c), the order is actor (genitive), theme (nominative), recipient (dative). This same order (with different case markings) is
true for actor voice (272d).
(272) |
a. |
Hiyay |
Pabling, |
Ø-biy-an |
na |
ya=n |
tapih |
TM |
Pabling |
CTPLT-give-GV |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
cloth |
|
ye |
indo |
na. |
NOM |
mother |
3SG.GEN |
'Pabling will give some cloth to his mother.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Ø-Biy-an |
na |
ya=n |
tapih |
CTPLT-give-GV |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
cloth |
'He will give some cloth to his mother.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Ø-I-byay |
mo=y |
kaganaan |
a |
CTPLT-CV-give |
2SG.GEN=NOM |
all |
LNK |
|
bandi |
mo |
kanlan |
mangaidap. |
wealth |
2SG.GEN |
DAT.PL |
poor |
'You give all your wealth to the poor.' |
|
|
|
d. |
M-an-Ø-aliw |
ya=n |
beyah |
CTPLT-PL-AV-buy |
3SG.NOM=GEN |
rice |
|
kanan |
ali |
na. |
DAT |
younger-sibling |
3SG.GEN |
'He will buy rice from his younger sibling.' |
|
|
|
There are various types of embedded clauses which are complements of main verbs. Complement clauses function as a argument
of a verb. There is some degree of cross-linguistic similarity in the types of clausal complements that verbs subcategorize
for. Adjectives acting as the predicate of the sentence may also subcategorize for the various types of clausal complements.
Examples of each type of clausal complement will be given in the next section, followed by a discussion of the complementizers
and their position in declarative embedded clauses. See section 5.13 for similar discussion for questions and section 5.14 for relative clauses.
Each of the following subsections exemplifies a particular subcategorization requirement for a verb (or other category of
head - see section 5.15 for examples of Adverbial Clauses).
Verbs which take a finite complement, with or without a complementizer, include the following examples in English: I believe Jill to be my friend, Jill insists (that) she is my friend and I know (that) he likes me.
Examples of Tagalog verbs which take a finite complement include (273) and (274) where na is the complementizer.
(273) |
Alam |
ko |
na |
da~Ø-rating |
din |
ang |
araw. |
know |
1SG.GEN |
COMP |
CTPLT~AV-arrive |
also |
NOM |
day |
'I know that the day will arrive.' |
|
(274) |
Na-ni~niwala |
ako |
na |
hindi |
STA-CONT~trust |
1SG.NOM |
COMP |
NEG |
|
na-tu~tulog |
ang |
Diyos. |
STA-CONT-sleep |
NOM |
God |
'I believe that God does not sleep.' |
|
Examples of this type in Ayta Abellen include (275a), (275b), and (275c) where a is the complementizer.
(275) |
a. |
M-atanda-an |
la |
a |
n-Ø-akew |
ya |
ihtew. |
CTPLT-know-GV |
3PL.GEN |
REL |
PFV-AV-go |
3SG.NOM |
there |
'They will know that he went there.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Ket |
an-habi-en |
la |
a |
an-topad-en |
and |
CONT-say-OV |
3PL.GEN |
REL |
CONT-fulfil-OV |
|
la=y |
kaotohan. |
3PL.GEN=NOM |
law |
'And they are saying that they are fulfilling the law.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Am-pag-Ø-habi |
hila |
a |
m-ag-Ø-ilyadi |
CONT-DUR-AV-say |
3PL.NOM |
REL |
CTPLT-DUR-AV-become |
|
ka=n |
kapitan. |
2SG.NOM=GEN |
captain |
'They are saying that you will become captain.' |
|
|
|
Verbs which take only a nonfinite complement without a complementizer, but the subject is dropped when it is coreferent with
the main clause subject, including the following examples in English: I want to come to the party and I want Joe to come to the party.
Examples in Tagalog include (276) where the subject is overt and (277) where the subject is coreferent with the main clause subject. The complement is connected to the main clause with the =ng linker which Richards (1999) labels an allomorph of the na complementizer.
(276) |
B<in>a~balak |
ni |
Maria=ng |
m-aka-Ø-pagaral |
<OV>CONT~plan |
GEN |
Maria=LNK |
CTPLT-APT-AV-study |
|
ang |
anak |
niya |
sa |
UP. |
NOM |
child |
3SG.GEN |
DAT |
UP |
'Maria is planning for her child to be able to study at UP.' |
|
(Example taken from Aldridge (2006).)
(277) |
Gusto |
ni |
Maria=ng |
b<um>ili |
ng |
libro. |
want |
GEN |
Maria=LNK |
<PFV.AV>buy |
GEN |
book |
'Maria wants to buy a book.' |
|
(Example taken from Aldridge (2005).)
Examples in Ayta Abellen do not have an overt subject but rather the subject as coreferent with the main clause subject. The
complements are linked to the main clause using the forms =y (278a) and =n (278b).
(278) |
a. |
Tanda |
ko=y |
m-ag-Ø-habi |
nin |
Ayta. |
know |
1SG.GEN=NOM |
CTPLT-DUR-AV-speak |
GEN |
Ayta |
'I know how to speak Ayta.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Ang-ihip-en |
la |
ya=n |
Ø-paty-en. |
CONT-think-OV |
3PL.GEN |
3SG.NOM=LNK |
CTPLT-die-OV |
'They are thinking of killing him.' |
|
|
|
Verbs which take only a nonfinite complement without a complementizer, and the subject must be coreferent with the main clause
subject and dropped, include the following examples in English: Joe tried to come to the party and I tried to think of more examples.
Tagalog allows a nonfinite complement with a coreferent subject but requires a complementizer as in (279). In this situation it can be said that there is obligatory control, that the actor of the complement clause is obligated
to be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause.
(279) |
N-a-pilit-an |
si |
Charlie=ng |
hiram-in |
PFV-STA-force-GV |
NOM |
Charlie=COMP |
borrow-OV |
|
ang |
pera |
sa |
bangko. |
NOM |
money |
DAT |
bank |
'Charlie was forced to borrow money from the bank.' |
|
(Example taken from Kroeger (1993).)
The same is true for Ayta Abellen with a complementizer being required and the actor of the complement clause being obligated
to be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause, as in (280).
(280) |
N-a-pilit |
ya=n |
in-om-alih |
ihtew. |
PFV-STA.OV-force |
3SG.NOM=COMP |
PFV-AV-leave |
there |
'He was forced to leave there.' |
|
Verbs which take a direct object as well as either a finite or nonfinite clause complement include the following examples
in English: I will persuade Joe that he should come to the party and I will persuade Joe to come to the party.
Examples of this in Tagalog are:
(281) |
S<in>abih-an |
ako |
ni |
Luz |
na |
<PFV>say-GV |
1SG.NOM |
GEN |
Luz |
COMP |
|
i-b<in>igay |
mo |
na |
ang |
pera |
kay |
Charlie. |
CV<PFV>give |
2SG.GEN |
already |
NOM |
money |
DAT |
Charlie |
'I was told by Luz that you already gave the money to Charlie.' |
|
(Example taken from Kroeger (1998).)
(282) |
H<in>imok |
ni |
Maria |
si |
Juan=g |
suriin |
<PFV.OV>persuade |
GEN |
Maria |
NOM |
Juan=COMP |
examine |
|
ng |
bago=ng |
doktor. |
GEN |
new=LNK |
doctor |
'Maria persuaded Juan to be examined by the new doctor.' |
|
(Example taken from Miller (1988).)
Examples of this type in Ayta Abellen include:
(283) |
a. |
An-habi-en |
ko |
kanan |
Alma |
a |
CONT-say-OV |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
Alma |
COMP |
|
m-Ø-akew |
ya |
ha |
banhal |
nan |
katongno |
na. |
CTPLT-AV-go |
3SG.NOM |
OBL |
wedding |
GEN |
sibling |
3SG.GEN |
'I am telling Alma that she will go to her brother's wedding.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Pilit-en |
mo |
hila=y |
ta-tao |
force-OV |
2SG.GEN |
3PL.NOM=NOM |
PL-person |
|
a |
m-Ø-akew |
ihti. |
COMP |
CTPLT-AV-go |
here |
'You force the people to come here.' |
|
|
|
English has two complementizers which mark declarative embedded clauses, that for finite clauses and for for nonfinite clauses. In other languages the complementizers for embedded declarative clauses may or may not be overt, and
in some languages they are clitics which are written attached to another word.
In Tagalog there are two complementizer forms for declarative embedded clauses: 1) na 'that' and 2) =ng which Richards (1999) says "corresponds to the affix -Ø". Ayta Abellen similarly has two complementizer forms: 1) a 'that' 2) =n which is a contracted form of nin. It also does not have an explicit gloss in English. The complementizer occurs before the embedded clause.
This section considers the main clause and embedded clause varieties of Yes/No questions and content questions.
In English, main clause yes/no questions are formed by moving an auxiliary verb in front of the subject. Other languages use
a Yes/No question marker or special complementizer instead of the fronted auxiliary. This is the case in embedded Yes/No questions
in English; no auxiliary fronting is allowed but whether or if fills the complementizer position. Since languages may act differently in main clause and embedded clause Yes/No questions,
each will be covered separately.
English examples of main clause Yes/No questions, showing the required fronting of an auxiliary, include: Are you going to the store?, Will Sue buy the present for her mother? and Could the boy have hit the ball?
Tagalog Yes/No questions are formed by inserting the ba marker in the 2nd position as in,
(284) |
Ikaw |
ba |
ang |
bago=ng |
dating? |
2SG.NOM |
QUES |
NOM |
new=LNK |
arrival |
'Are you the new arrival?' |
|
Questions can also be marked with a rising pitch on the last word even without the ba marker, as in,
(285) |
N-aka-Ø-punta |
kayo? |
PFV-APT-AV-go |
2PL.NOM |
|
In Ayta Abellen main clause yes/no questions, there are two question markers nayi and laweh. These question markers are written as separate words and occur in the second position of the sentence (or third if there
is a preceding pronoun). In Ayta Abellen also a yes/no question can be marked with rising pitch on the last word, even without
an overt question marker in the sentence.
Ayta Abellen examples of main clause yes/no questions include:
(286) |
a. |
M-Ø-akew |
ka |
laweh |
ha |
banwa? |
CTPLT-AV-go |
2SG.NOM |
QUES |
DAT |
city |
'Will you go to the city?' |
|
|
|
b. |
N-Ø-akew |
ka |
nayi |
ihti |
a |
m-ang-Ø-an? |
PFV-AV-go |
2SG.NOM |
QUES |
here |
LNK |
CTPLT-PL-AV-eat |
'Did you come here to eat?' |
|
|
|
English examples of embedded clause yes/no questions, showing the presence of the question markers or complementizers, include:
I wonder whether she will come, I will know if she goes and Sue wonders whether the boy could have hit the ball.
Tagalog has a complementizer kung 'if, when' for embedded yes/no questions. An example is:
(287) |
Hindi |
ko |
alam |
kung |
b<um>ili |
ng |
isda |
ang |
babae. |
NEG |
1SG.GEN |
know |
whether |
<PFV.AV>buy |
GEN |
fish |
NOM |
woman |
'I don't know whether the woman bought fish.' |
|
(Example taken from Law and Gärtner (2005).)
In Ayta Abellen embedded clause yes/no questions, there is a complementizer no for embedded question clauses. The complementizer is written as a separate word and occurs before the rest of the embedded
question.
Ayta Abellen examples of embedded clause yes/no questions include:
(288) |
a. |
Tawan |
no |
m-Ø-akew |
ya |
ihtibay. |
don't-know |
COMP |
CTPLT-AV-go |
3SG.NOM |
here |
'I don't know if he will come here.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Tanda |
ko |
no |
peteg |
ye |
h<in>abi |
na. |
know |
1SG.GEN |
whether |
true |
NOM |
<PFV.OV>say |
3SG.GEN |
'I know whether what he said is true.' |
|
|
|
Content questions differ from yes/no questions in that they contain an interrogative word or phrase, known as wh-phrases in
English because they almost all begin with wh.
Tagalog has separate word interrogatives:
(289) |
|
Interrogatives used in content questions |
alin |
|
ano |
'what' |
sino |
'who' |
kailan |
'when' |
saan |
'where' |
bakit |
'why' |
paano |
'how' |
|
The corresponding interrogative words in Ayta Abellen are shown in the following chart.
(290) |
|
Interrogatives used in content questions |
aya |
'what' |
hinya |
'who' |
makano, nakano |
'when' |
wayihtew |
'where' |
taket |
'why' |
wayemen |
'how' |
|
Of the examples of interrogative words above, most simply stand alone as pronouns or adverbs, but how can either be a manner adverb by itself or a degree word modifying an adjective, as in how big or a degree word modifying a quantifier, as in how many children; what can either be a pronoun by itself or a demonstrative modifying a noun, as in what books; which never stands alone but always modifies a noun as a demonstrative, as in which boy; and whose can be either a stand alone possessive pronoun, or it can fill the possessor position in a nominal phrase, as in whose toys.
In Tagalog, paano 'how' is used as an interrogative pronoun while gaano 'how' is used as a degree word modifying a quantity as in,
(291) |
Paano |
ang |
lakad |
niya? |
how |
NOM |
walk |
3SG.GEN |
|
(292) |
Gaano |
kalayo |
ang |
ilog? |
how |
far |
NOM |
river |
'How far away is the river?' |
|
(Examples taken from Schachter and Otanes (1972).)
Tagalog has interrogative words that can modify a noun, as in,
The word kanino 'whose' fills the possessor position in a nominal phrase, as in,
(294) |
Kanino=ng |
bahay |
ito? |
whose=LNK |
house |
this |
|
In Ayta Abellen the word way-emen 'how' is used both as an interrogative pronoun (295) and as a degree word modifying a quantity. When modifying a quantity, the word wayemen 'how' occurs only before the adjective as in (296),
(295) |
Wayemen |
ye |
pag-biay |
mo? |
how |
NOM |
GER-live |
2SG.GEN |
|
(296) |
Wayemen |
kakadang |
ye |
labok |
na? |
how |
long |
NOM |
hair |
3SG.GEN |
|
Ayta Abellen has interrogative words that can modify a noun, as in,
(297) |
Hinya=y |
liblo |
yati? |
whose=NOM |
book |
this |
|
The word hinya 'who, whose' fills the possessor position in a nominal phrase, as in,
(298) |
Hinya=y |
ngalan |
a |
n-aka-Ø-holat |
ihti? |
whose=NOM |
name |
LNK |
PFV-APT-AV-write |
here |
'Whose name is written here?' |
|
Depending on the basic word order of the language, content questions may be formed with or without fronting an interrogative
phrase. Head-final languages (SOV, OVS, and OSV) usually do not have movement of an interrogative phrase in content questions,
while head-initial languages (SVO, VOS, and VSO) usually require fronting of an interrogative phrase. In languages without
fronting for interrogatives, the phrase structure of a content question will either be the same as a Yes/No question with
a question marker or auxiliary in the complementizer position or just the same as a normal sentence. In either case, the interrogative
phrase appears in its normal argument positon. Many SOV languages optionally allow movement of an interrogative phrase to
the position immediately before the verb.
In both main clause and embedded content questions in Tagalog and Ayta Abellen, an interrogative phrase moves to the front
of the clause.
English examples of main clause content questions, showing the required fronting of an interrogative phrase, include: Which boy hit the ball?, Who might have hit the ball?, What did the boy hit?, When will she come? and Where is the leader?
In Tagalog content questions there is fronting of the interrogative pronouns as in (299). For cleft equative sentences like (300) the noun phrase is marked with nominative case. When the noun phrase is a headless relative clause as in (301), the clause is also marked with nominative case.
(299) |
Kailan |
siya |
da-Ø-rating? |
when |
3SG.NOM |
CTPLT-AV-arrive |
|
(300) |
Nasaan |
ang |
bangko? |
where |
NOM |
bank |
|
(301) |
Ano |
ang |
n-a-kita |
niya |
doon? |
what |
NOM |
PFV-STA.OV-see |
3SG.GEN |
there |
'What |
did |
he |
see |
there?' |
|
In Ayta Abellen main clause content questions there is also fronting of the interrogative pronouns with no marker or auxiliary
fronting as in (302). Interrogative cleft sentences have similar case marking patterns to Tagalog as seen in (303) and (304).
(302) |
Makano |
ya=n |
m-Ø-akew |
ihti? |
when |
3SG=COMP |
CTPLT-AV-go |
here |
'When will he come here?' |
|
(303) |
Wayihtew |
ya=y |
anak |
ko? |
where |
NOM=NOM |
child |
1SG.GEN |
|
(304) |
Hinya=y |
n-a-kit |
yo? |
what=NOM |
PFV-STA.OV-see |
2PL.GEN |
|
English examples of embedded clause content questions, showing the required fronting of an interrogative phrase, include:
I know who hit the ball, I wonder when she will come and I will ask what the boy hit.
Tagalog has embedded clause content questions, as in,
(305) |
Magta-tanong |
ako |
kung |
kanino=ng |
lapis |
ito. |
CTPLT.AV-ask |
1SG.NOM |
COMP |
who=LNK |
pencil |
this |
'I will ask whose pencil this is.' |
|
The complementizer kung occurs before the interrogative pronoun.
In Ayta Abellen embedded clause content questions, there is a complementizer no 'if, when' written as a separate word. The complementizer occurs immediately before a fronted interrogative pronoun. A complementizer
and fronted interrogative phrase are required in every embedded content question.
Ayta Abellen examples of embedded clause content questions include:
(306) |
a. |
Tanda |
ko |
no |
hinya |
ka. |
know |
1SG.GEN |
COMP |
who |
2SG.NOM |
|
|
|
b. |
M-an-Ø-epet |
ako |
no |
hinya=y |
CTPLT-PL-AV-ask |
1SG.NOM |
COMP |
who=NOM |
|
n-am-Ø-yay |
nin |
pilak. |
PFV-PL-AV-give |
GEN |
money |
'I will ask who gave money.' |
|
|
|
Relative clauses normally modify a head noun and have one of four structures:
- like a complement clause headed by 'that', as in the man that came to the meeting late;
- like a content question with 'who' or 'which' fronted, as in the man who came to the meeting late;
- (or for some languages other than English) like a complement clause but with a special relative marker occurring in the complementizer
position, or possibly with two markers which occur on each sides of the relative clause;
- (or for some languages other than English) like a regular sentence with a relative marker attached to the verb.
Some languages also allow one of the above structures to occur by itself as a nominal phrase without a head noun to modify,
usually called "headless" relative clauses.
"Tagalog and most Philippine-type languages are examples of languages which can relativize only on subjects" (Kroeger 2004:181).
Tagalog has a relativizer ligature =ng which can also occur as a separate word na depending on phonological environment of the preceding phoneme. Tagalog is an example of the third structure listed above.
An example of a relative clause in Tagalog is:
(307) |
Matalino |
ang |
lalaki=ng |
b<um>asa |
ng |
diyario. |
intelligent |
NOM |
man=REL |
<PFV.AV>read |
GEN |
newspaper |
'The man who read a newspaper is intelligent.' |
|
Tagalog does allow headless relative clauses, as in,
(308) |
ang |
n-DUR-Ø-nakaw |
ng |
kotse |
mo |
NOM |
PFV-DUR-AV-steal |
GEN |
car |
2SG.GEN |
'the one who stole your car' |
|
(Examples taken from Sabbagh (2008).)
Ayta Abellen also is an example of the third structure listed above. Only subjects can be relativized. Relative clauses occur
after the head noun. The relative marker a occurs before the sentence part of the relative clause.
Examples of relative clauses in Ayta Abellen include:
(309) |
a. |
kagalingan |
a |
d<in>yag |
la |
skillfulness |
REL |
<PFV.OV>do |
3PL.GEN |
'skillfulness that they did' |
|
|
|
b. |
laki |
a |
ibat |
ha |
lale |
man |
REL |
from |
DAT |
forest |
|
|
|
Full sentences containing the above relative clauses are as follows:
(310) |
a. |
Hiyay |
kagalingan |
a |
d<in>yag |
la, |
TM |
skillfulness |
REL |
<PFV.OV>do |
3PL.GEN |
|
n-an-Ø-yag |
hila=n |
baey. |
PFV-PL-AV-do |
3PL.NOM=GEN |
house |
'They skillfully made a house.' |
|
|
|
b. |
L<in><om>ateng |
ya=ynay |
laki |
a |
ibat |
ha |
lale. |
<PFV><AV>arrive |
3SG.NOM=now |
man |
REL |
from |
DAT |
forest |
'The man from the forest arrived.' |
|
|
|
Ayta Abellen does allow headless relative clauses, as in (311).
(311) |
Hila=y |
n-an-Ø-yag |
nin |
tori, |
3PL.NOM=NOM |
PFV-PL-AV-make |
GEN |
tower |
|
n-ang-a-Ø-igat |
hila. |
PFV-PL-STA-AV-surprise |
3PL.NOM |
'The ones who made the tower, they were surprised.' |
|
This section considers the complements that can follow temporal and reason adverbs, which were introduced in section 5.4.1. All of these adverbial clauses (or phrases) act the same as simple adverbs, so they will be considered AdvPs with the appropriate
type of complement. Adverbial clauses of these types normally may occur either sentence-initially or sentence-finally.
English examples of temporal adverbs with adjuncts used in full sentences include:
- [Since then], John has been moody.
- John has been home [since last week].
- [Since John has been home from the hospital] he is doing better.
- John is feeling fine [now that he is home from the hospital].
- The dog followed Sue everywhere [when she returned from college].
- [When she returned from college], the dog followed Sue everywhere.
These examples show that particular temporal adverbs subcategorize for certain types of complements. In (1) since is followed by another temporal adverb, in (2) by a temporal nominal phrase, and in (3) it has a sentential adjunct. Examples
(5) and (6) show that when also takes a finite sentential adjunct, whereas now in (4) has a finite clausal adjunct with a complementizer.
Tagalog temporal adverbs can occur sentence initial (312), sentence final (313), or sentence medial (314). Adverbial sentential adjuncts are common as in (315).
(312) |
Mula |
noon, |
hindi |
siya |
n-aka-pag-Ø-trabaho. |
from |
then |
not |
3SG.NOM |
PFV-APT-DUR-AV-work |
'Since then, he has not been able to work.' |
|
(313) |
T<um>ira |
ako |
roon |
hanggang |
1950. |
<PFV.AV>live |
1SG.NOM |
there |
until |
1950 |
'I lived there until 1950.' |
|
(314) |
N-ag-Ø-bakasyon |
si |
Pedrong |
minsan |
sa |
Bagiuo. |
PFV-DUR-AV-vacations |
NOM |
Pedro |
sometimes |
DAT |
Bagiuo |
'Pedro vacations sometimes in Bagiuo.' |
|
(315) |
Nang |
m-aka-Ø-lampas |
ng |
ala |
una, |
pu-Ø-punta |
na |
tayo. |
when |
CTPLT-APT-AV-pass |
GEN |
o'clock |
one |
CTPLT-AV-go |
now |
1PL.INCL |
'After one o'clock we will go.' |
|
In Ayta Abellen, the preference is for temporal adverbial phrases to occur sentence initial (316a). Both a temporal adverb and an adverb sentential adjunct can occur before the main clause of the sentence (316b). The adverbial sentential adjuncts occur after the adverb but before the verb. Temporal adverbial phrases can also occur
at the end of the sentence (316c) but not sentence medial. Examples of temporal adverbial clauses in Ayta Abellen, included in full sentences are:
(316) |
a. |
Ha |
anti |
ko |
ha |
lale, |
am-pam-Ø-ahaka |
DAT |
present |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
forest |
CONT-PL-AV-climbing |
|
ko |
ha |
matondol. |
1SG.NOM |
DAT |
mountain-peak |
'When I am in the forest, I am climbing to the mountain peak.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Hatew, |
ha |
n-an-Ø-ambot |
hila=y |
hahapon, |
past |
DAT |
PFV-PL-AV-win |
NOM.PL=NOM |
Japanese |
|
in-om-alih |
ya=y |
General |
Mcarthur. |
PFV-AV-left |
3SG=NOM |
General |
McArthur |
'Before, when the Japanese won, General McArthur left.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Am-pag-Ø-painawa |
kawo |
po |
nayi |
angga |
haanin? |
CONT-DUR-AV-rest |
2PL.NOM |
still |
RHET |
until |
now |
'Are you still resting until now?' |
|
|
|
Turning now to adverbial phrases or clauses which express reason or purpose, we find adverbs which stand alone, such as therefore and so, along with those that take various types of complement clauses. English examples of reason or purpose adverbs which take
clausal complements include:
- John rushed to the hospital [because Sue was in an accident].
- [Since Jill said that she likes him], Joe smiles all the time.
- Bill rushed to the airport [so that he could see Kay before she left].
- The troops threw grenades at the enemy [in order to escape].
- The troops threw grenades at the enemy [in order for the prisoners to escape].
In the examples above, because and since take only finite sentential complements and so takes a finite clausal complement with a complementizer. In contrast, in order takes either a nonfinite sentential complement with a pro-dropped subject or a nonfinite clausal complement with a complementizer.
Examples of Tagalog reason or purpose adverbial clauses are:
(317) |
Kaya, |
b<in>ili |
niya |
ang |
lahat |
ng |
sapatos. |
so |
PFV-buy-OV |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
all |
GEN |
shoes |
'So she bought all the shoes.' |
|
(318) |
Dahil |
sa |
magandang |
pananalita |
niya, |
Because |
of |
good |
speaking |
3SG.GEN, |
|
n-an-Ø-iwala |
sila |
sa |
kaniya. |
PFV-PL-AV-believe |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
3SG.DAT |
'Because of his beautiful words, they believed in him.' |
|
(319) |
Ø-Puntah-an |
niya |
ang |
barangay |
nila |
CTPLT-go-GV |
3SG.GEN |
NOM |
barangay |
3PL.GEN |
|
upang |
Ø-ipaliwanag |
ang |
g<in>awa |
niya. |
in.order.to |
CTPLT-CV-explain |
NOM |
<PFV.OV>do |
3SG.GEN |
'He will go to their barangay in order to explain what he did.' |
|
Examples of reason or purpose adverbial clauses in Ayta Abellen, included in full sentences are:
(320) |
a. |
Kayabay, |
n-apatey |
la |
ya=y |
Amerikano. |
so |
PFV-kill |
3PL.GEN |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
American |
'So, they killed the American.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Oli |
ha |
kabiangan |
nin |
nakem |
na, |
because |
DAT |
hardness |
GEN |
inner.being |
3SG.GEN |
|
n-a-poot-Ø |
ya=y |
indo |
na. |
PFV-STA.OV-anger |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
mother |
3SG.GEN |
'Because of the hardness of his inner being, his mother became angry.' |
|
|
|
c. |
M-ag-Ø-pahyal |
ya |
ha |
baey |
nan |
balatang |
CTPLT-DUR-AV-visit |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
house |
GEN |
woman |
|
taomon |
na |
m-ahadt-an |
ti |
labay |
na. |
so.that |
3SG.GEN |
CTPLT-say-GV |
NOM |
want |
3SG.GEN |
'He will visit the house of the young woman so that he will say what he wants.' |
|
|
|
All languages have the ability to express negation. This is usually achieved through the use of:
- special negative degree words, such as not (section 5.3.1), or negative quantifier determiners, such as no (section 5.3.2), which negate a nominal phrase,
- negative indefinite pronouns, such as noboby or nothing (section 5.8.6), which express a negative nominal argument by themselves,
- negative adverbs, such as never (section 5.4.1) or nowhere (section 5.4.2),
- negative auxiliaries, such as not or the contraction affixal form -n't (section 5.11.3), and/or
- negative verbal affixes (section 5.11.3).
All of the above have been covered as individual items in previous sections (as noted). After discussing the type of negation
system Ayta Abellen uses, the data given will be reviewed here by category or phrase type, as well as adding examples used
in complete sentences and discussing any co-occurrence restrictions between the various negative elements.
Languages fall into two major classifications with respect to negation: Polarity Changing languages versus Negative Concord
languages, exemplified by standard English and Spanish or Black English, respectively.
Polarity Changing languages normally allow only a single negative element in the sentence for negation to be expressed (though
technically any odd number of negatives expresses negative polarity) because the presence of two (or any even number of) negative
elements changes the polarity back to positive. For example, John saw nothing is negative, but John didn't see nothing is positive because it means the same as John saw something. The version with a negative auxiliary is expressed as John didn't see anything, using what is known as a negative polarity item in object position. Such negative polarity items may occur as subjects in
some contexts without any other negation present, such as Anyone may come, but they may only occur in object position when some higher (technically c-commanding) element is negative. For example,
one can say Nobody saw anyone and Nowhere will they find anyone but without the negative subject or fronted negative adverb the negative auxiliary must be used, as in We did not see anyone and They will not find anyone anywhere.
In Negative Concord languages, any number of negative elements expresses negative polarity, so in a Negative Concord version
of English (such as Black English) John didn't see nothing is the correct way to express a negative sentence with a negative object. In these languages, similarly to the restriction
on negative polarity items in Polarity Changing languages, a negative element may normally occur in subject position or a
fronted position without any other negative element present, but a negative object may only occur when some higher (technically
c-commanding) element is negative. Some Negative Concord languages have the stronger restriction that any negative argument
must co-occur with verbal negation and still others require fronting of the negative argument, similarly to the fronting of
question words or phrases in content questions.
Tagalog and Ayta Abellen are Polarity Changing languages, since the polarity changes between positive and negative with each
instance of negation. Tagalog has negative polarity items in: kahit anuman 'whatever', kahit sinuman 'whoever', kahit kailanman 'whenever', and kahit saanman 'wherever'. The equivalents in Ayta Abellen are: agya hinyaman 'whatever, whoever', agya makanoman 'whenever', and agya wayihtewman 'wherever'. The negative pronouns, determiners, and adverbs may occur in object position or the normal adverb position even when there
is another negative element in the sentence.
Tagalog has the negative auxiliary hindi which is written as a separate word. Examples in full sentences are:
(321) |
Hindi |
pwede |
yan. |
not |
possible |
that |
'That's |
not |
possible.' |
|
(322) |
Hindi |
siya |
masipag. |
not |
3SG.NOM |
industrious |
'He |
is |
not |
industrious.' |
|
We saw in section 5.11.3 that Ayta Abellen has one negative auxiliary which is written as a separate word, and that is the only type of verbal negation
in the language. There is no negative verbal affix nor negative auxiliary affix. The negative auxiliary may be the only auxiliary
in the phrase; no other auxiliary is required. The negative auxiliary word in Ayta Abellen is ahe 'not'.
Examples of the negative auxiliary word used in a complete sentence include:
(323) |
a. |
Ahe |
malyadi |
yain. |
not |
possible |
that |
|
|
|
b. |
Ahe |
ya |
n-ang-Ø-an |
nangon. |
not |
3SG.NOM |
PFV-PL-AV-eat |
earlier |
'He did not eat earlier today.' |
|
|
|
This section considers basic coordination constructions where there is an overt conjunction between the conjuncts, including
coordination at the sentence level and at the verb phrase, nominal phrase, and adjective level. More complex types of coordination
constructions, such as lists without overt conjunctions between each conjunct, gapping, appositives and comparatives, will
need to be dealt with later.
In English, the conjunctions which can be used between two conjuncts are: and, or, but and and/or. In addition, there are coordination constructions which require an initial conjunction, such as either...or and neither...nor constructions. Some languages also use a word meaning with as a conjunction between nominal phrases.
Ayta Abellen uses the following conjunctions between conjuncts:
(324) |
|
Coordinating conjunctions |
Ayta Abellen |
meaning |
|
'and' |
|
'or' |
|
'but' |
|
Sentence-level coordination includes most types of sentences, including declaratives and questions. Some English examples
are:
- John went to the office this morning but he did not return.
- When did the mail come and where is my package?
- Either I will come to the party or I will send my sister.
Tagalog has sentence-level coordination constructions using conjunctions such as: at (a), o (b), and pero (c).
(325) |
T<um>ahol |
ang |
aso |
at |
n-a-takot-Ø |
ang |
pusa. |
<PFV.AV>bark |
NOM |
dog |
and |
PFV-STA.OV-afraid |
NOM |
cat |
'The dog barked and the cat got scared.' |
|
(326) |
M-Ø-agaaral |
ka |
ba |
o |
m-a-tutulog. |
CTPLT-AV-study |
2SG.NOM |
QUES |
or |
CTPLT-STA.OV-sleep |
'Are you going to study or sleep?' |
|
(327) |
T<um>awag |
ako |
kaninang |
umaga |
pero |
wala |
ka. |
<PFV.AV>call |
1SG.NOM |
earlier |
morning |
but |
not.exist |
2SG.NOM |
'I called this morning, but you were not there.' |
|
(Tagalog examples taken from Gallo-Crail (2010).)
Ayta Abellen examples of sentence-level coordination include:
(328) |
a. |
Ket |
am-paty-en |
la |
hila |
boy |
and |
CONT-kill-OV |
3PL.GEN |
3PL.NOM |
and |
|
antoyhoken |
la=n |
etak. |
CONT-stab-OV |
3PL=GEN |
machete |
'And they are killing them and stabbing them with machetes.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Malabong |
ana=n |
pag-obda |
noba |
ahe |
ko |
po |
many |
now=LNK |
GER-work |
but |
NEG |
1SG.GEN |
yet |
|
malyadi=n |
m-ag-Ø-obda. |
can |
CTPLT-DUR-AV-work |
'Much now is the working but I still cannot work.' |
|
|
|
Verb phrase coordination is exemplified in the following English sentences:
- Bill ran the race and won the prize.
- I will come to the party or send my sister.
- I will not come to the party nor send my sister.
Tagalog allows verb clause coordination where the same subject is used for two clauses. Examples include:
(329) |
P<um>unta |
na |
kami |
sa |
may |
tindahan |
<PFV.AV>go |
now |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
DAT |
EXIST |
store |
|
at |
b<um>ili |
ng |
inumin. |
and |
<PFV.AV>buy |
GEN |
drink |
'We went to the store and bought something to drink.' |
|
Ayta Abellen examples with verb clause coordination include:
(330) |
a. |
Hiyay |
lota |
ye |
am-paka-Ø-pa-tobo |
TM |
soil |
NOM |
CONT-APT-AV-CAUS-grow |
|
boy |
am-Ø-pakapadawa |
nin |
bini. |
and |
CONT-AV-yield |
GEN |
seed |
'The soil is what makes the seed grow and bear fruit.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Ahe |
m-a-lokoloko |
NEG |
CTPLT-STA.OV-cheat |
|
boy |
ahe |
m-aki-Ø-halehale |
ha |
Iloko. |
and |
NEG |
CTPLT-REQ-AV-mix |
DAT |
Ilokano |
'They will not be cheated and are not mixing with the Ilokanos.' |
|
|
|
Nominal phrase coordination is exemplified in the following English sentences:
- Bill ran in the Boston Marathon and the Olympics.
- My sister or I will be there.
- Neither my sister nor I will be there.
- I will come to the wedding and/or the reception.
Tagalog has nominal phrase coordination as can be seen in this example:
(331) |
Hu-hugas-an |
ko |
ang |
mga |
tenedor |
at |
mga |
kutsara. |
CTPLT-wash-GV |
1SG.GEN |
NOM |
PL |
forks |
and |
PL |
spoons |
'I will wash the forks and spoons.' |
|
Ayta Abellen examples with nominal phrase coordination include:
(332) |
a. |
M-ang-Ø-gawa |
kayi=n |
Ø-tamn-an |
mi=n |
CTPLT-PL-AV-work |
1PL.EXCL |
CTPLT-plant-GV |
1PL.EXCL=LNK |
|
pa-paday |
boy |
bo-botey |
boy |
nakahinadi. |
PL-rice |
and |
PL-taro |
and |
others |
'We will work together to plant rice and taro and other things.' |
|
|
|
b. |
N-ag-Ø-kamain |
ana=n |
Iloko |
boy |
Ayta. |
PFV-DUR-AV-have |
now=GEN |
Ilokano |
and |
Ayta |
'There came to be now Ilokanos and Aytas.' |
|
|
|
Adjective coordination is exemplified in the following English sentences:
- The black and white dog belongs to my son.
- The sore on your leg is ugly and painful and dangerous.
- My sister wants a red or blue candle.
Tagalog adjective coordination is done with the conjunction at, as in:
(333) |
Maganda |
at |
mayaman |
si |
Rosa. |
beautiful |
and |
rich |
NOM |
Rosa |
'Rosa is beautiful and rich.' |
|
(Tagalog example from Schachter and Otanes (1972).)
Ayta Abellen adjective coordination is done with the conjunction boy, as in:
(334) |
a. |
manga-yadet |
boy |
manga-tampa |
a |
baey |
PL-big |
and |
PL-beautiful |
LNK |
house |
'big and beautiful house' |
|
|
|
This section considers two types of constructions which draw attention to a particular element. Since topics occur outside
of focus constructions, they will be considered first. The following example shows that a single sentence may have both a
topic and a focused phrase. In this case, the topic Bill is introduced by the topic marker as for, then the focused phrase soccer, which has been moved out of its regular place in the sentence follows.
- As for Bill, soccer he plays __ best.
As defined here, topic constructions consist of a topic phrase followed by a complete sentence or question and usually set
apart by punctuation. Certain markers may be used to set off topics, as shown in the following English examples:
- As for John, I think he will make a good doctor.
- Speaking of Jill, where is she?
Topic in Tagalog is marked syntactically through left dislocation with a resumptive pronoun or morphologically by the word
ay which occurs after the topic phrase. This understanding of the "ay inversion" is supported by McKaughan (1973), Kroeger (1993), Kaufman (2005), and Hirano (2006). Sentence examples include:
(335) |
Si |
Juan |
ay |
isang |
magsasaka. |
NOM |
Juan |
INV |
a |
farmer |
|
(336) |
Ang |
mga |
tao |
rito |
ay |
mabait. |
NOM |
PL |
person |
here |
INV |
nice |
'The people here are nice.' |
|
Ayta Abellen has topic phrases introduced by hiyay which occur before the main sentence and are separated by a pause. Some examples include:
(337) |
a. |
Hiyay |
Pabling, |
n-Ø-akew |
ya |
ha |
banwa. |
TM |
Pabling |
PFV-AV-go |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
city |
'Pabling went to the city.' |
|
|
|
b. |
Hiyay |
laki, |
labay |
na |
ya=n |
TM |
man |
want |
3SG.GEN |
3SG.NOM=COMP |
|
kalogoden |
ti |
babai. |
love-OV |
NOM |
woman |
'The man wants to be in love with the woman.' |
|
|
|
c. |
Hiyay |
alaga |
nan |
beyah |
ha |
hatew, |
baente |
pisos |
TM |
value |
GEN |
rice |
DAT |
time.past |
twenty |
pesos |
|
ye |
maghay |
kaban. |
NOM |
one |
kaban |
'The value of rice before was twenty pesos per kaban.' |
|
|
|
In Ayta Abellen, the topic phrase is marked by certain words or phrases.The topic markers occur before the topic phrase itself.
For more information about topic marking in Ayta Abellen, see Stone (2008).
(338) |
|
Topic markers |
Topic Markers |
Meaning |
hiyay |
'SG' |
hilay |
'PL' |
yati |
'this' |
yain |
'that' |
yatew |
'that (far)' |
|
In contrast to topics, while focus constructions also have an element fronted which may be set off by punctuation, the phrase
in focus is moved from its normal position in the sentence, leaving a gap. Certain markers, such as only in English, may be used to mark the focused phrase. Focus constructions are not used frequently in SVO languages, since the
subject is usually in focus and is already first in the normal order. Other word orders, such as VSO languages, may make extensive
use of focus constructions. English examples of focus constructions include:
- Girls, I like __.
- Soccer, Bill plays __ best.
- Only that boy, Jerry hit __ .
Tagalog and Ayta Abellen do not allow a focus phrase to be moved before or after the rest of the sentence out of its normal
position. Focus phrase constructions in these languages are usually cleft sentences as in (339) for Tagalog and (340) for Ayta Abellen.
(339) |
Isda |
ang |
gusto |
ko. |
fish |
NOM |
want |
1SG.GEN |
|
(340) |
Yati |
ye |
labay |
ko=n |
habi-en. |
this |
NOM |
want |
1SG.GEN=COMP |
say-OV |
'This is what I want to say.' |
|
This section considers various types of common utterances which are not complete sentences. We will deal with greetings, interjections
and exclamations in turn.
Greetings typically consist of a particular word or phrase, either standing alone or followed by a name or nominal phrase
describing the peson or animal being greeted. Some are full sentences or full questions, such as How do you do? How are you? and Have a good day! which do not need to be treated separately. Some examples of English greetings are:
- Hi!
- Howdy!
- Hello, Jill.
- Goodby.
- Good day, sir.
- Good morning, Bob.
- Good afternoon.
- Good evening.
- Good night, sweet baby.
Some Tagalog examples are:
(341) |
|
|
b. |
Magandang |
umaga |
po. |
good |
morning |
RESP |
|
|
|
Examples of greetings in Ayta Abellen include:
Interjections typically consist of a particular word or phrase that is used alone, usually with an exclamation point following
it. Though many of the words in interjections are not used in any other situation, regular adjectives are also used in this
way. Some examples of interjections in English are:
- Ouch!
- Gross!
- Cool!
- Jumping Jehoshaphat!
- Jiminy Cricket!
Examples of interjections in Tagalog include:
Examples of interjections in Ayta Abellen include:
(345) |
a. |
'Hi! (expression denoting disagreement)' |
|
|
|
Yes and No answers to questions will be treated similarly to interjections. Ayta Abellen uses the following words to express
these answers:
(346) |
|
Interjections |
Ayta Abellen |
meaning |
|
'yes' |
|
'no' |
|
The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how case markers and linkers are used in Ayta Abellen. As seen from the list of
case markers and linkers below, there are three homonyms between the allomorphs of these case markers and linkers: /-y/, /-n/, and /nin/. It was therefore necessary to do some analysis to decide in which cases these forms are case markers and in which cases
they are linkers. This paper is also meant as a reference tool in deciding these cases of homonymy when new texts are interlinearized.
Also, this paper should provide a basis for further discussion on the topic. Any suggestion from the reader is welcomed. This
paper is preliminary in character in that it is based on a limited number of texts. So it needs to be verified through other
texts.
Basically, case markers mark the functions of nouns or noun phrases in a sentence. Linkers function on levels below and above
sentence level. Case markers are not to be confused with linkers. As in other Philippine languages LINKING is a characteristic
device of Ayta Abellen grammar.
Linking is the connecting of the elements of a word or construction by means of a special connecting element, or LINKER. The
linker has as its sole function the indication of a relation between the elements it connects, and has no meaning apart from
the indication of this relation.
The following chart shows the free form case marking particles according to case.
(347) |
|
NOM |
GEN |
DAT |
ye, ti |
nin (ne) [38] |
ha |
|
In the examples below the case markers, linkers and phrases studied are identified be underlining. Morpheme lines may be simplified.
The Nominative case markers in Ayta Abellen are ye and ti, corresponding to ang in Tagalog. The marker ti is a borrowing from Ilokano and is only used when the preceding word ends in a consonant (the glottal is not written), but
the marker ye can also be used in these cases.
(348) |
Kalyen |
mo |
ye |
patatah. |
kali-en |
mo |
ye |
patatah |
dig-OV |
2SG.GEN |
NOM |
potato |
|
(349) |
Angkadten |
nay |
kaget |
la. |
aN-kaget-en |
na=ye |
kaget |
la |
CONT=carry=OV |
3SG.GEN=NOM |
load |
3PL.GEN |
|
(350) |
Tongtongen |
ko |
haanin |
ti |
kabibiay. |
tongtong-en |
ko |
haanin |
ye |
kabibiay |
tell=OV |
1SG.GEN |
now |
NOM |
life |
I will now tell about life. |
|
(351) |
Maidap |
ye |
kahahaad. |
ma-idap |
ye |
kahahaad |
ADJ-difficult |
NOM |
situation |
The situation is difficult. |
|
(352) |
Maidap |
ti |
kahahaad |
min |
Ayta. |
ma-idap |
ye |
kahahaad |
mi=nin |
Ayta |
ADJ-difficult |
NOM |
situation |
1PL.EXCL.GEN=GEN |
Ayta |
The situation of us Aytas is difficult. |
|
(353) |
Maholok |
anan |
labinwalo |
ye |
taon |
ko |
hatew |
ha |
lomateng |
yain |
a |
gobat. |
ma-holok |
ana=a |
labin-walo |
ye |
taon |
ko |
hatew |
ha |
lateng-om- |
yain |
a |
gobat |
ADJ-more.than |
already=LK |
teen-eight |
NOM |
year |
1SG.GEN |
then |
DAT |
arrive-AV |
that |
LK |
war |
I was already more than eighteen years old when the war arrived. |
|
(354) |
Maholok |
nin |
mapo |
ti |
kapgo |
a |
kalalamoan |
mi. |
ma-holok |
a |
mapo |
ye |
kapgo |
a |
ka--an-CV-lamo |
mi |
ADJ-more.than |
LK |
ten |
NOM |
CAFGU |
LK |
COL-PL-companion |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
Our companions, the CAFGU, are more than ten. |
|
(355) |
Yabayti |
ye |
alahan. |
Yabayti |
ye |
alahan |
this |
NOM |
boundary |
|
(356) |
Hiya |
ye |
ibat |
ha |
Germany. |
hiya |
ye |
ibat |
ha |
germany |
3SG.EMPH |
NOM |
from |
DAT |
Germany |
He is the one from Germany. |
|
(357) |
Hiyay |
ibat |
ha |
Germany |
hiya=ye |
ibat |
ha |
germany |
3SG.EMPH=NOM |
from |
DAT |
Germany |
He is the one from Germany. |
|
(358) |
Hikoy |
Wilhelm. |
hiko=ye |
wilhelm |
1SG.EMPH=NOM |
Wilhelm |
|
(359) |
Yabayin |
ti |
ogali |
nin |
Ayta |
hine. |
yabayin |
ye |
ogali |
nin |
ayta |
hine |
this |
NOM |
custom |
GEN |
Ayta |
before |
That was the custom of the Ayta before. |
|
(360) |
Ket |
yabayin |
anan |
bengat |
ti |
mahabi |
ko. |
ket |
yabayin |
ana=a |
bengat |
ye |
m-a-habi |
ko |
and |
this |
now=LK |
just |
NOM |
CTPLT-STA-say |
1SG.GEN |
And that only now is what I can say. |
|
(361) |
Yabayin |
anan |
bengat |
ti |
tanda |
kon |
habiyen |
ha |
Ayta. |
yabayin |
ana=a |
bengat |
ye |
tanda |
ko=a |
habi-en |
ha |
ayta |
this |
now=LK |
just |
NOM |
know |
1SG.GEN=LK |
speak=OV |
DAT |
Ayta |
That only now is what I know to say in Ayta. |
|
(362) |
Ihtibay |
ti |
nagkampoan |
la. |
ihti=bay |
ye |
n-pag-kampo-an |
la |
here=EMPH |
NOM |
PFV-DUR-camp-GV |
3PL.GEN |
Here is the place where they set up camp. |
|
(363) |
Homain |
nin |
anggaan |
ti |
pagpotog |
nin |
kanyon. |
homain |
a |
anggaan |
ye |
pag-potog |
nin |
kanyon |
NEG.EXT |
LK |
ending |
NOM |
GER-bang |
GEN |
canon |
The banging of the cannon had no end. |
|
(364) |
Homain |
ti |
Amerikano |
a |
nakew |
ihtibay. |
homain |
ye |
amerikano |
a |
na-lakew |
ihti=bay |
NEG.EXT |
NOM |
Amerikano |
LK |
PFV-go |
here=EMPH |
No American came here. (Lit. None were the Americans who came here.) |
|
(365) |
Anoyna |
ye |
anak |
mo, |
ama? |
ano=yna |
ye |
anak |
mo |
ama |
how.many=already |
NOM |
child |
2SG.GEN |
Sir |
How many children do you already have, Sir? |
|
(366) |
Ayay |
ngalan |
mo? |
aya=ye |
ngalan |
mo |
what=NOM |
name |
2SG.GEN |
|
(367) |
Aya |
met |
ti |
ngalan |
mo? |
aya |
met |
ye |
ngalan |
mo |
what |
on.the.other.hand |
NOM |
name |
2SG.GEN |
|
(368) |
Hiya |
ye |
babai, |
angkadten |
na |
ye |
kaget |
la |
hiya |
ye |
babai |
an-kaget-en |
na |
ye |
kaget |
la |
3SG.EMPH |
NOM |
woman |
CONT-carry-OV |
2SG.GEN |
NOM |
load |
3PL.GEN |
The woman, she caries their load. |
|
Pronominal cross reference constructions are very common in Ayta Abenlen. They occur in many if not most sentences except
in sentences without common nouns and personal nouns, i.e., where only pronouns are used. The following chart gives an overview
of all occuring pronominal cross references.
number |
EMPH |
NOM |
GEN |
DAT |
singular |
hiyay = hiya ye |
yay = ya ye ya ti
|
nan = na nin |
kanan = kana nin |
plural |
hilay = hila ye |
hilay = hila ye |
lan = la nin min = mi nin
|
kanlan = kanla nin |
In the position after the respective case marker the following categories can occur: common nouns, personal nouns, demonstratives,
verbal clauses and probably yet more categories. The whole ranges of functions of pronominal cross reference needs yet to
be studied.
In this section occurences of the nominative pronominal reference constructions are shown (cf. A.2.2.3).
(369) |
Main |
anem |
hila |
ye |
aanak |
ko. |
main |
anem |
hila |
ye |
a-anak |
ko |
EXT |
six |
3PL.NOM |
NOM |
PL-child |
1SG.GEN |
|
(370) |
Way-ihtew |
yay |
angkonaan |
mo? |
way-ihtew |
ya=ye |
an-konin-an |
mo |
where |
3SG.NOM=NOM |
CONT-locate-GV |
2SG.GEN |
|
(371) |
Nadakep |
la |
hilay |
hapon. |
n-ka-dakep |
la |
hila=ye |
hapon |
PFV=STA=capture |
3PL.GEN |
3PL.NOM=NOM |
Japanese |
They captured the Japanese. |
|
(372) |
Nanepet |
ya |
ti |
laki |
kanan |
balatang... |
n-pan-tepet |
ya |
ye |
laki |
kana=nin |
balatang |
PFV-PL-question |
3SG.NOM |
NOM |
man |
3SG.DAT=GEN |
unmarried.girl |
|
(373) |
Pinatey |
hilan |
kaganaan |
ti |
hapon |
ihtibay. |
pa-in-patey |
hila=n |
kaganaan |
ye |
hapon |
ihti=bay |
CAUS-PFV-die |
3PL.NOM=LK |
all |
NOM |
Japanese |
there=EMPH |
All the Japanese were killed here. |
|
(374) |
Nakibat |
ya |
met |
ti |
babayi, |
"Ao, |
kaka, |
wana |
nin |
babayi." |
n-paki-hebat |
ya |
met |
ye |
babayi |
awo |
kaka |
wana |
nin |
babayi |
PFV-REQ-answer |
3SG.NOM |
also |
NOM |
female |
yes |
older.brother |
said |
GEN |
female |
The girl answered, "Yes, older brother, said the girl." |
|
(375) |
Matampa |
yan |
konaan |
ti |
logal |
mo. |
ma-tampa |
ya=n |
konaan |
ye |
logal |
mo |
ADJ-nice |
3SG.NOM=LK |
location |
NOM |
place |
2SG.GEN |
The place where you live is nice. |
|
These construction are similar to the basic and expanded non-verbal clauses above A.2.1.1. The complement is always an nominative nominalised clause in these commend plus genitive type sentences. The genitive NP,
usually a pronoun, of the comment predicate is cross-referenced with the underlying nominative NP of the complement clause,
which is therefore deleted in the nominative NP.
(376) |
Tanda |
mo |
lawey |
maghabin |
Ayta. |
tanda |
mo |
lawe=ye |
m-pag-habi=nin |
Ayta |
know |
2SG.GEN |
QUES=NOM |
CTPLT-DUR-speak=GEN |
Ayta |
Do you indeed know how to speak Ayta?(Lit.:Is what you indeed know the speaking of Ayta?) |
|
(377) |
Labay |
koy |
makew |
ha |
Labney. |
labay |
ko=ye |
ma-lakew |
ha |
Labney |
like |
1SG.GEN=NOM |
CTPLT-go |
DAT |
Labney |
|
(Lit.:”What I would like is to go to Labney.” This sentence is analysed in comparison with the labay kon construction in A.3.5)
(378) |
Labay |
ko |
ye |
magadal |
nin |
Ayta. |
labay |
ko |
ye |
m-pag-adal |
nin |
Ayta |
like |
1SG.GEN |
NOM |
CTPLT-DUR-study |
GEN |
Ayta |
|
(379) |
Malyadinay |
makew |
ha |
Manila. |
malyadi=na=ye |
ma-lakew |
ha |
Manila |
possible=already=NOM |
CTPLT-go |
DAT |
Manila |
It is already possible to go to Manila. (Lit: 'To go to Manila is already possible.') |
|
(380) |
Malyadi |
lawey |
makitongtong |
ako |
kamo? |
malyadi |
lawe=ye |
m-paki-tongtong |
ako |
kamo? |
possible |
QUES=NOM |
CTPLT-REQ-talk |
1SG.NOM |
2SG.DAT |
Can I talk to you? (Lit: 'Is my talking to you possible?') |
|
The following question is left for further investigation: Even though it seems that the use of {ye/-y} and/or {ti} is determinded by morphological reasons, i.e., ti normally only occurs following a word ending on a consonant, it should be asked what other factors may determing the use
of ti rather than ye/-y.
The genitive case marker (sometimes called non-topic marker) in Ayta Abellen in it’s full form is nine which is shortened to nin in normal speech. It can be shortened to a suffixed -n after vowels.
It marks constituents in basic and expanded verbal sentences. In expanded sentences it marks relations like instrument, method,
periods of time etc. In similarity to the nominative markers, it also marks the second part of genitive pronominal cross reference
constructions.
(381) |
Nakew |
ako |
ihti |
nin |
magadal |
nin |
habin |
Ayta. |
na-lakew |
ako |
ihti |
a |
m-pag-adal |
nin |
habi=nin |
ayta |
PFV-go |
1SG.NOM |
here |
LK |
CTPLT-DUR-study |
GEN |
language=GEN |
Ayta |
I came here to study the Ayta language. |
|
(382) |
Ampanyag |
akon |
baey. |
aN-pan-diyag |
ako=nin |
baey |
CONT-PL-make |
1SG.NOM=GEN |
house |
|
(383) |
Hiyay |
laki, |
ampanyagem |
nin |
kampilan. |
hiyay |
laki |
aN-pan-yagem |
nin |
kampilan |
TM |
man |
CONT-PL-arm.oneself |
GEN |
sword |
The man arms himself with a sword. |
|
The genitive marker nine (shortened form nin) is used in specifying genitive constructions. It serves to specify the referent of the preceding head noun. These constructions
are divided into a number of classes on the basis of the kind of specification expressed.
The whole in these constructions may be a thing, a location or an event.
(384) |
atep |
nin |
baey |
atep |
nin |
baey |
roof |
GEN |
house |
|
(385) |
doyo |
nin |
Pilipinah |
doyo |
nin |
pilipinah |
corner |
GEN |
Philippines |
corner of the Philippines |
|
(386) |
pag-ka-yadi |
nin |
pag-ka-dakep |
GER-STA-finish |
GEN |
GER-STA-capture |
finishing of the capturing |
|
(387) |
ogali |
nin |
Ayta |
ogali |
nin |
ayta |
custom |
GEN |
Ayta |
|
(388) |
hondalo |
nin |
Hapon |
hondalo |
nin |
Hapon |
soldier |
GEN |
Japan |
|
(389) |
ti |
nandogyan |
nin |
idap |
ye |
n-pan-dogi-an |
nin |
idap |
NOM |
PFV-PL-cause-GV |
GEN |
difficulty |
the cause of the difficulty |
|
The nin-construction denotes the result of the referent.
(390) |
habin |
Ayta |
habi=nin |
ayta |
language=GEN |
Ayta |
|
(391) |
badyon |
Labney |
badyo=nin |
labney |
bario=GEN |
Labney |
|
(392) |
panaon |
boan |
nin |
Septiembre |
panaon |
boan |
nin |
septiembre |
time |
month |
GEN |
September |
time (of the) month of September |
|
Note that in this example panaon and bowan may stand in apposition and no linker may be required. Or, it may be a genitive construction but because of the first word
ends on -n the linker is omitted. More data are needed to decide this case.
(393) |
timpon |
panggawa |
timpo=nin |
panggawa |
time=GEN |
clearing |
|
This is the most general class of nin-construction.
(394) |
alahan |
nin |
magha |
boy |
magha |
alahan |
nin |
magha |
boy |
magha |
boundary |
GEN |
one |
and |
one |
|
(395) |
gobat |
nin |
hondalo |
gobat |
nin |
hondalo |
fight |
GEN |
soldier |
|
(396) |
kahahaad |
nin |
kabibiay |
kahahaad |
nin |
kabibiay |
situation |
GEN |
life |
|
(397) |
kahahaad |
nin |
taga-Labney |
kahahaad |
nin |
taga-=labney |
situation |
GEN |
from=Labney |
situation of the Labneyans |
|
(398) |
kabono |
nin |
tao |
kabono |
nin |
tao |
enemy |
GEN |
people |
|
(399) |
kaganaan |
nin |
baey |
kaganaan |
nin |
baey |
all |
GEN |
house |
|
(400) |
pagpotog |
nin |
kanyon |
pag-potog |
nin |
kanyon |
GER-sound |
GEN |
cnnon |
|
(401) |
Hiyay |
ngalan |
la |
nin |
girilya |
hatew |
Hopbalahop. |
Hiyay |
ngalan |
la |
nin |
girilya |
hatew |
hopbalahop |
TM |
name |
3PL.GEN |
GEN |
guerilla |
before |
Hopbalahop |
The name of them, the guerillas before was Hopbalahop. |
|
(402) |
Yabayin |
ti |
peteg |
a |
ogali |
min |
Ayta. |
Yabayin |
ye |
peteg |
a |
ogali |
mi=nin |
ayta |
this |
NOM |
true |
LK |
custom |
1PL.EXCL.GEN=GEN |
Ayta |
That is the true custom of us Ayta. |
|
(403) |
Ayay |
ngalan |
nan |
yati |
ha |
habi |
yo? |
aya=ye |
ngalan |
na=nin |
yati |
ha |
habi |
yo |
what=NOM |
name |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
this |
DAT |
language |
2PL.GEN |
What is this in your language? |
|
(404) |
Magha |
koynan |
kidihtiano, |
inoman |
nan |
Jesu |
Christo |
magha |
ko=yna=n |
kidihtiano |
-in-oman |
na=nin |
jesu |
christo |
one |
1SG.GEN=now=GEN |
Christian |
PFV=renew |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
Jesu |
Christ. |
I’m now one of the Christians, renewed by Jesus Christ. |
|
(405) |
Anihip-ihipen |
nan |
laki. |
an-ihipihip-en |
na=nin |
laki |
CONT-thought-OV |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
man |
|
The oblique marker ha marks non-nuclear grammatical relations such as location, time and medium. Ha is also used in combination with conjunctions to denote purpose and reason subordinated clauses and phrases.
(406) |
Bobokod |
ko |
pa |
ha |
logal |
ayti. |
bobokod |
ko |
pa |
ha |
logal |
a-yati |
alone |
1SG.GEN |
still |
DAT |
place |
LK-this |
I'm still alone at this place. |
|
(407) |
Hiyay |
anak, |
lomipay |
ya |
ha |
banlat. |
hiyay |
anak |
-om-lipay |
ya |
ha |
banlat |
TM |
child |
AV-cross |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
boundary.mark |
The child crossed at the boundary mark. |
|
(408) |
Hikoy |
ibat |
ha |
Germany. |
hiko=ye |
ibat |
ha |
germany |
1SG.EMPH=NOM |
from |
DAT |
Germany |
|
(409) |
Hiya |
ha |
maghay |
dominggo |
moli |
akon |
minamangaamot. |
hiya |
ha |
magha=a |
domingo |
m-oli |
ako=a |
minamangaamot |
TM |
DAT |
one=LK |
week |
CTPLT-go.home |
1SG.NOM=LK |
every.day |
It is the next week that I will go home every day. |
|
(410) |
Tongtongen |
ko |
haanin |
ti |
kahahaad |
ha |
lomateng |
ti |
gobat |
ihti |
ha |
Pilipinah. |
tongtong-en |
ko |
haanin |
ye |
kahahaad |
ha |
-om-lateng |
ye |
gobat |
ihti |
ha |
Pilipinah |
tell-OV |
1SG.GEN |
today |
NOM |
situation |
DAT |
AV-arrive |
NOM |
war |
here |
DAT |
Philippines |
Today I will tell about the situation at the time when the war arrived here in the Philippines. |
|
(411) |
Yabayin |
anan |
bengat |
ti |
tanda |
kon |
habien |
ha |
Ayta. |
yabayin |
ana=a |
bengat |
ye |
tanda |
ko=a |
habi-en |
ha |
ayta |
that |
now=LK |
only |
NOM |
know |
1SG.GEN=LK |
say-OV |
DAT |
Ayta |
That now only is what I know how to say in Ayta. |
|
(412) |
Hiya |
ye |
laki |
ampanyagem |
nin |
kampilan |
boy |
yao |
a |
omen |
ha |
no |
main |
hila |
nin |
katomhang, |
nakahagana |
ya |
ti |
laki. |
hiya |
ye |
laki |
an-pan-yagem |
nin |
kampilan |
boy |
yao |
a |
emen |
ha |
no |
main |
hila |
nin |
katomhang |
n-paka-hagana |
ya |
ye |
laki |
TM |
NOM |
man |
CONT-PL-arm.oneself |
GEN |
sword |
and |
bow.and.arrow |
LK |
like |
DAT |
if |
EXT |
3PL.NOM |
LK |
enemy |
PFV-APT-meet |
3SG.NOM |
NOM |
man |
The man arms himself with a sword and with bow and arrow so that, if they have an enemy, the man is able to meet him. |
|
(413) |
Kayabay |
ti |
kabibiay |
haanin |
magolo |
oli |
ha |
hilay |
NPA. |
kayabay |
ye |
kabibiay |
haanin |
ma-golo |
oli |
ha |
hila=ye |
NPA |
therefore |
NOM |
living |
today |
ADJ-troublesome |
because |
DAT |
3PL.NOM=NOM |
NPA |
Therefore, the circumstances today are troublesome because of the NPA. |
|
The different linkers are used on the levels of noun phrase, sentence expension, complex sentence and discourse. In existential
phrases the thing that is existent or non-existent forms a kind of noun phrase with main ‘existent’ or homain ‘non-existent’, so a linker is used to connect the two. Linkers are also used in certain kinds of genitive type constructions.
The linker a is used in many different ways so the examples of its usage are not exhaustive.
The most commonly used linker is nin which is usually abbreviated to -n and suffixed to the preceeding word ending on a vowel. The linker a is used after a word ending on a consonant (including glottal stop which is not written). The linker nin is not used in this case. After a word ending on -n the linker can be either a or nin, or may be deleted, especially in existential phrases with main and homain.
(414) |
makandi |
nin |
bengat |
⇨ |
makandin |
bengat |
ma-kandi |
a |
bengat |
ADJ-little |
LK |
just |
|
(415) |
kitawo |
nin |
kaganaan |
⇨ |
kitawon |
kaganaan |
kitawo |
a |
kaganaan |
1PL.INCL.NOM |
LK |
all |
|
(416) |
matampa |
a |
baey |
(*matampa |
nin |
baey) |
ma-tampa |
a |
baey |
ADJ-nice |
LK |
house |
|
(417) |
kaganaan |
a |
baey |
/ |
kaganaan |
nin |
baey |
kaganaan |
a |
baey |
kaganaan |
a |
baey |
all |
LK |
house |
all |
LK |
house |
|
(418) |
Homain |
beyah. |
Homain |
yan |
beyah. |
homain |
beyah |
homain |
ya=a |
beyah |
NEG.EXT |
rice |
NEG.EXT |
3SG.NOM=LK |
rice |
There is no rice. He has no rice. |
|
(419) |
Pitompo |
pito-a-po |
seven-LK-times.ten |
|
(420) |
Anempo |
anem-Ø-po |
six-LK-times.ten |
|
In noun phrases linkers are used to connect modifiers with the head noun. Members of a variety of word-classes can be used
as modifiers. Among them are adjectives, nouns, demonstratives, and interrogatives.
(421) |
matiboen |
baey |
ma-tiboe=a |
baey |
ADJ-whole=LK |
house |
|
(422) |
naonan |
domingo |
naona=a |
domingo |
old |
=LK |
week |
|
(423) |
maloke |
a |
tao |
ma-loke |
a |
tao |
ADJ-bad |
LK |
person |
|
(424) |
Maghan |
bengat. |
magha=a |
bengat |
one=LK |
just |
|
(425) |
Ket |
maholok |
met |
nin |
mapo |
ti |
KAPGO |
a |
kalalamoan |
mi |
haanin |
ihti. |
ket |
ma-holok |
met |
nin |
mapo |
ye |
kapgo |
a |
kalalamoan |
mi |
haanin |
ihti |
and |
ADJ-more.than |
however |
GEN |
ten |
NOM |
CAFGU |
LK |
companion |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
today |
here |
And today our CAFGU-companion-group here consists of more than ten (people). |
|
(426) |
Kaginta |
yatin |
baey. |
kaginta |
yati=a |
baey |
big |
this=LK |
house |
|
(427) |
apat |
a |
baey |
apat |
a |
baey |
four |
LK |
house |
|
(428) |
Main |
magha |
ye |
anak |
ko. |
main |
magha |
a |
anak |
ko |
EXT |
one |
LK |
child |
1SG.GEN |
|
(429) |
Way-ihtew |
a |
logal |
ye |
ibatan |
mo? |
way-ihtew |
a |
logal |
ye |
ibatan |
mo |
where |
LK |
place |
NOM |
from.place |
2G.GEN |
Which place do you come from? |
|
(430) |
Matampa |
yan |
konaan |
ti |
logal |
mo. |
ma-tampa |
ya=a |
konaan |
ye |
logal |
mo |
ADJ=nice |
3SG.NOM=LK |
location |
NOM |
place |
2SG.GEN |
The place where you live is nice. |
|
Note that the noun-marker is optional but usually absent when the preceding word ends on -n.
(431) |
Main |
hilan |
banlat. |
main |
hila=a |
banlat |
EXT |
3PL.NOM=LK |
boundary.mark |
They have a boundary mark. |
|
(432) |
Homain |
ya |
po |
nin |
beyah. |
homain |
ya |
po |
a |
beyah |
NEG.EXT |
3SG.NOM |
yet |
LK |
rice |
|
(433) |
Homain |
hebat. |
homain |
hebat |
NEG.EXT |
answer |
|
(434) |
Main |
hila |
nin |
getedan. |
main |
hila |
a |
getedan |
EXT |
3PL.NOM |
LK |
somewhere.to.go |
They have a place to go to. |
|
(435) |
Homain |
ti |
Amerikano |
a |
nakew |
ihtibay. |
homain |
ye |
amerikano |
a |
na-lakew |
ihtibay |
NEG.EXT |
NOM |
Americans |
LK |
PFV-go |
here |
The Americans had no one to come here. |
|
The linker -n is used to connect a modifying moveable adverbs.
(436) |
Moli |
akoynan |
madanon. |
m-oli |
ako=yna=a |
madanon |
CTPLT-go.home |
1SG.NOM=already=LK |
soon |
|
(437) |
Hiya |
ha |
naonan |
domingo |
ampoli |
akon |
minamangaamot. |
hiya |
ha |
naonan |
domingo |
am-poli |
ako=a |
minamangaamot |
TM |
DAT |
first |
week |
CONT-go.home |
1SG.NOM=LK |
every.day |
Last week I went home every day. |
|
Malyadi is not a preudo-verb since the syntactic structure differs from the pseudo-verb + complement clause described elswhere in
this paper. Malyadi is instead an indicative verb that is commonly functioning as an adverb to the finite verb of the clause, denoting possibility.
(438) |
Malyadi |
kitan |
maytongtong. |
malyadi |
kita=a |
m-pay-tongtong |
possible |
1DU=LK |
CTPLT-REC-talk |
We can talk with each other. |
|
(439) |
Malyadi |
ko |
met |
nin |
mangalogod |
kamo, |
ta |
angkaibegan |
kata, |
wana |
nin |
laki. |
malyadi |
ko |
met |
a |
m-paN-ka-logod |
kamo |
ta |
an-ka-ibeg-an |
kata |
wana |
nin |
laki |
possible |
1SG.GEN |
also |
LK |
CTPLT-PL-STA-woo |
2SG.DAT |
REAS |
CONT-STA-love-GV |
1SG.2SG |
said |
GEN |
man |
I can, on the other hand, woo you, because I love you, said the man. |
|
Note that the linker a instead of nin (following met) is grammatical even though nin is commonly used in such cases.
(440) |
malyadi |
lawe |
a |
magodong |
ako |
po? |
malyadi |
lawe |
a |
m-pag-odong |
ako |
po |
possible |
QUES |
LK |
CTPLT-DUR-return |
1SG.NOM |
yet |
|
(441) |
Naboyot |
yan |
(ya |
a) |
nangihip. |
n-ka-boyot |
ya=a |
ya |
a |
n-pan-ihip |
PFV-STA-long.time |
3SG.NOM=LK |
3SG.NOM |
LK |
PFV-PL-thought |
He thought for a long time. |
|
(442) |
Anihip-ihipen |
nan |
laki: |
Yatew |
ti |
hinabi |
nan |
babayi |
kadihko, |
wana |
nin |
lakin |
nangihip. |
an-ihipihip-en |
na=nin |
laki |
yatew |
ye |
-in-habi |
na=nin |
babayi |
kadihko |
wan=na |
nin |
laki=a |
n-paN-ihip |
CONT-think-OV |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
male |
that |
NOM |
PFV.OV-speak |
3SG.GEN=GEN |
female |
maybe |
said=3SG.GEN |
GEN |
male=LK |
PFV-GEN-thought |
The boy was thinking for a long time: That maybe was what the girl said, thus the boy thought. |
|
The enclitic adverb na ‘now, already’ is an exception from other enclitic adverbs in that it is the only one to be connected by a linker to the preceding word.
The linkers -y (after vowels except /-i/, in which case no linker is used) and a (after consonants) are used.
(443) |
Moli |
kayna. |
m-oli |
ka=yna |
CTPLT-go.home |
2SG.NOM=now |
|
(444) |
Makadang |
ana. |
ma-kadang |
a=na |
ADJ-long |
LK=already |
|
(445) |
Malyadina. |
malyadi=na |
possible=already |
|
The following examples are to be studied in comparison with the examples in A.2.1.1. There the complement sentences function as absolutive elements of the whole sentence whereas the pseudo-verbs ± location,
identified by an ergative NP (usually a pronoun), is the comment. In the examples in this section the absolutive NP is only
a part of the complement of the whole construction, which thereby is not a comment-absolutive complement construction. Unlike
in the examples in A.2.1.1 there is no cross-referencing between the NP of the pseudo-verb and the absolutive NP of the complement clause. As in any
clause one absolutiv NP of the complement clause has a certain role relationship to the verb of the complement clause. Finally,
as these constructions are similar to complex sentences, the nin between the pseudo-verb part and the complement is analysed
as a linker.[39]
(446) |
Labay |
kon |
matandaan |
ye |
ngalan |
mo, |
ama. |
labay |
ko=a |
ma-tanda-an |
ye |
ngalan |
mo |
ama |
like |
1SG.GEN=LK |
CTPLT-learn-GV |
NOM |
name |
2SG.GEN |
Sir |
I would like to know your name, Sir. |
|
(447) |
Labay |
kon |
makew |
ka |
ha |
Maamot. |
labay |
ko=a |
ma-lakew |
ka |
ha |
maamot |
like |
1SG.GEN=LK |
CTPLT-go |
2SG.NOM |
DAT |
Maamot |
I like you to go to Maamot. |
|
Linkers are used to connect the components of complex sentences.
(448) |
Nakew |
ako |
ihti |
nin |
magadal |
nin |
habin |
Ayta. |
na-lakew |
ako |
ihti |
a |
m-pag-adal |
nin |
habi=nin |
ayta |
PFV-go |
1SG.NOM |
here |
LK |
CTPLT-DUR-study |
GEN |
language=GEN |
Ayta |
I came here to study the Ayta language. |
|
(449) |
No |
timpon |
panggawa, |
manggawa |
kayin |
tamnan |
papaday. |
no |
timpo=a |
panggawa |
m-pan-gawa |
kayi=a |
tanam-an |
CV-paday |
if |
time=LK |
clearing |
CTPLT-PL-clear |
1PL.EXCL=LK |
plant-place |
PL-rice |
If it's the time of clearing, we clear to plant rice. |
|
(450) |
Hiyay |
laki |
ampanyagem |
nin |
kampilan |
boy |
yao |
a |
emen |
ha |
no |
main |
hila |
nin |
katomhang, |
nakahagana |
ya |
ti |
laki. |
hiyay |
laki |
an-pan-yagem |
nin |
kampilan |
boy |
yao |
a |
omen |
ha |
no |
main |
hila |
a |
katomhang |
n-paka-hagana |
ya |
ye |
laki. |
TM |
man |
CONT-PL-arm.oneself |
GEN |
sword |
and |
bow.and.arrow |
LK |
so |
that |
DAT |
if |
EXT |
3PL.NOM |
LK |
enemy |
PFV-APT-meet |
3SG.NOM |
NOM |
man |
The man arms himself with a sword so that if they have an enemy, the man is able to meet (him). |
|
(451) |
Ket |
yabayin |
met |
ti |
antongtongen |
ko |
a |
natandaan |
ko |
kanla |
a |
hiyay |
ogali |
la |
hatew. |
ket |
yabayin |
met |
ye |
an-tongtong-en |
ko |
a |
na-tanda-an |
ko |
kanla |
a |
hiyay |
ogali |
la |
hatew |
and |
that |
however |
NOM |
CONT-tell-OV |
1SG.GEN |
LK |
PFV-know-GV |
3PL.DAT |
LK |
TM |
custom |
3PL.GEN |
then |
And that however is what I am telling about what I learned from them about their custom. |
|
The linker a is used as a rhetorical device (hesitancy), for example, when starting a story after an introductional part or for filling
a rhetorical pause.
(452) |
A |
maholok |
anan |
labin |
walo |
ye |
taon |
ko... |
a |
ma-holok |
ana=a |
labin |
walo |
ye |
taon |
ko |
LK |
ADJ-more.than |
already=LNK |
teen |
eight |
NOM |
year |
1SG.GEN |
I was already more than eighteen years old... |
|
(453) |
Haanin, |
ta |
nayadi |
yatew |
a |
ihtolya |
a |
hoglongan |
ko |
nin |
ihtolya |
a |
tongkol |
ha |
kahahaad |
nin... |
haanin |
ta |
nayadi |
yatew |
a |
ihtolya |
a |
hoglong-an |
ko |
nin |
ihtolya |
a |
tongkol |
ha |
kahahaad |
nin |
now |
REAS |
finished |
that |
LK |
story |
LK |
extension |
1SG.GEN |
GEN |
story |
LK |
about |
DAT |
situation |
GEN |
Today, because that story is finished, I will extend the story about the situation of... |
|
Philippine languages are known to allow fronting of information such as through the “ay-inversion” in Tagalog. While there
is now much agreement that the information preceding ay in Tagalog is a marked topic, this has not always been the case. In
1958 McKaughan (1958) had labelled the ang phrase as the Topic and many linguists such as Wolfenden (1961), Schachter and Otanes (1972) and Naylor (1975) followed suit. McKaughan (1973) changed his position and subsequent work by Kroeger (1993), Kaufman (2005) and Hirano (2006) has since proven that the ay-inversion construction is really what marks Topic in Tagalog. This conclusion, that the ay-inversion
construct marks topic, fits well with the data to be presented in this paper regarding the Ayta Abellen language, a member
of the Sambal language family on Luzon. Other members of the Sambal language family are: Ayta Ambala, Ayta MagIndi, Ayta MagAnchi,
Ayta Magbukun, Bolinao, Botolan Sambal, and Tina Sambal. A quick survey of work related to fronted information in these other
Sambal languages might be helpful.
In Antworth (1979) he labelled the preposed hay marker in Botolan Sambal as a “full nonpersonal nominative case marker”. But later in his discussion on topicalization he
gives examples of the hay marker occuring in left-dislocation and he refers to the information that follows it as the topic
Ramos and Chiu (2004) have labelled hay in Ayta Ambala as a Determiner for non-personal subjects. But example sentences in their paper have definite structural similarities
with examples from Botolan Sambal, Tina Sambal and Ayta Abellen. Hay in Ayta Ambala appears preposed before a noun phrase that has a comma (pause) after it in the English gloss.
Goschnick says that in Tina Sambal fronting is used when there is a change of topic/theme. She describes the structure of
the fronted position by saying that “these fronted items have to be definite and are therefore marked by yay just like the focused parts of a clause. New themes are usually separated from the rest of the clause by the particle ay or kot or by a pause.” Goschnick (2005).
This paper will show that Ayta Abellen also has a preposed position followed by a pause which is to a large degree similar
to the ay-inversion pattern of Tagalog and the yay/hay patterns in the related Sambalic languages. Four tests for topichood
will be used to determine whether this construction is in fact the topic of the sentence.
The Ayta Abellen data for this paper comes primarily from stories recorded by native speakers Rodante Capiendo, Efren Capiendo,
Emilio Laurzano, and the late Leonardo Francisco. But several other recorded stories as well were consulted along with a large
corpus of translated material which was repeatedly checked for naturalness by three native speakers. In addition to this,
the author has lived with the Ayta Abellen people for almost three years and has tested as an FSI level 3 speaker of the language.
Lambrecht (1994) has described topic in these words, “A referent is interpreted as the topic of a proposition if in a given discourse the
proposition is construed as being about the referent, i.e. as expressing information which is relevant to and which increases
the addressee’s knowledge of this referent.”
Barlaan (1999), working from a Comment-Topic paradigm, concludes that “fronting an NP in Isnag is not topicalization, since I consider topicalization
as putting an NP not normally in a topic position into the topic position.” He concludes that “fronted information is new,
asserted, negatable, and questionable information” which is characteristic of a Comment rather than a Topic.
Shi (2000) has said with regard to Chinese that “the topic is an unmarked NP (or its equivalent) that precedes a clause and is related
to a position inside the clause; a topic represents an entity that has been mentioned in the previous discourse and is being
discussed again in the current sentence.” This definition, however, would not permit a speaker to introduce a new marked topic
and then begin discussing it.
Kroeger (2004) says that the “TOPIC is often defined intuitively as the thing which the sentence is ‘about.’ Now, in order to say something
about a particular entity, the speaker must assume that the hearer can identify that entity. Thus the topic is normally something
that the hearer has some knowledge about.” This is the definition that will be used for this paper with the assumption that
new information to the discourse can be marked as topic if it is “something that the hearer has some knowledge about” or if
the information is sufficiently introduced so that it can become what the matrix clause “is about”.
Ayta Abellen has three morphological case markers, which I have labelled Nominative (NOM), Genitive (GEN), and DAT (Dative).[40] The forms of the case markers are listed below:
|
NOM |
GEN |
DAT |
Common noun markers |
ye, ti[41] |
nin |
ha |
Personal name markers (SG) |
yay |
nan |
kanan |
Personal name markers (PL) |
hilay |
lan |
kanlan |
Ayta Abellen, like other Philippine languages, has a basic VSO word order as illustrated in (454)1. Nouns cannot precede the verb unless they appear in a left-dislocation position followed by a pause. Sentence (454) would only be said when Pabling is known as a participant in the scene. If Pabling had not previously been mentioned in the
story we would get sentence (455). Ayta Abellen has a marker hiyay which precedes nominals in the left-dislocation position. It can mark personal proper names (455) which are then referenced with a resumptive pronoun or a nominalized clause (456) which has no resumptive pronoun.
(454) |
Namiay |
yay |
Pabling |
nin |
haa |
ha |
katongno |
na. |
PRF-give |
NOM |
Pabling |
GEN |
banana |
DAT |
sibling |
3SG.GEN |
Pabling gave a banana to his sibling |
|
(455) |
Hiyay |
Pabling, |
nakew |
ya |
ha |
banwa. |
TM |
Pabling |
PRF-go |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
town |
|
(456) |
Kaya-bay |
hiyay |
dinyag |
ko |
kanan |
hiyain, |
nakew |
ako |
nin |
nangwan |
binila |
ta |
kinalot |
kon |
tampol |
ye |
o |
na. |
so-EMP |
TM |
PRF-do |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
this |
PRF-go |
1SG.NOM |
COMP |
PRF-take |
rattan |
and |
PRF-tie |
1SG.GEN |
quickly |
NOM |
head |
3SG.GEN |
So what I did at that time, I went to get rattan and I quickly tied up its head. |
|
The hiyay construction occurs almost exclusively in left dislocation. I say almost exclusively because it can occur to the right of
the pause in exceptional equative clauses (see B.7). But the normal pattern is that hiyay cannot mark NPs in the matrix clause (457). When the agent is already known, the name of the agent is marked with yay in the matrix clause (458).
(457) |
*Nakew |
hiyay |
Pabling |
ha |
banwa. |
PRF-go |
TM |
Pabling |
DAT |
town |
|
(458) |
Nakew |
yay |
Pabling |
ha |
banwa. |
PRF-go |
NOM |
Pabling |
DAT |
town |
|
For coordinate clauses in a single sentence, another hiyay left dislocation (delimited by a pause) can be inserted after the coordinating conjunction and then referenced with a resumptive
pronoun (459).
(459) |
Main |
oowel |
a |
ahe |
angkatey |
boy |
hiyay |
apoy |
ihtew, |
ahe |
ya |
angkalep. |
EXT |
PL-worm |
REL |
NEG |
CONT-die |
and |
TM |
fire |
there |
NEG |
3SG.NOM |
CONT-go.out |
There are worms which are not dying and the fire there, it does not go out. |
|
There can never be two occurrences of hiyay in a left dislocation (460) position unless hiyay marks individuals connected with a coordinating conjunction who will later be referenced together in the predication through
the resumptive 3PL pronoun hila (461).
(460) |
*Haanin, |
hiyay |
Juan, |
hiyay |
Carmelita, |
nakitongtong |
hila |
kana. |
now |
TM |
Juan |
TM |
Carmelita |
PRF-REQ-talk |
3PL.NOM |
3SG.DAT |
Now Juan and Carmelita talked to him. |
|
(461) |
Hiyay |
Santiago |
boy |
hiyay |
Juan, |
hinomaley |
hila |
kanan |
Apo |
Jesus. |
TM |
Santiago |
and |
TM |
Juan |
PRF-near |
3PL.NOM |
DAT |
Lord |
Jesus |
Santiago and Juan, they went near to Jesus. |
|
Nitsch (2009) labelled the function of hiyay as one of prominence and gave the following chart of “pronominal cross references”. Nitsche also hypothesized that hiyay is derived from hiya ye where ye is what he labelled the Class I Absolutive case marker (but which I have been labelling NOM). While the use of hiyay is obviously related to discourse prominence, this paper will show here that it is actually marking Topic while at the same
time serving as a pronominal cross reference.
(462) |
|
Number |
Class 0 (EMPH) |
Class I (NOM) |
Class II (GEN) |
Class III (DAT) |
Singular |
hiyay = hiya ye |
yay = ya ye ya ti |
nan = na nin |
kanan = kana nin |
Plural |
hilay = hila ye |
hilay = hila ye |
lan = la nin min = mi nin |
kanlan = kanla nin |
|
Another construction that matches Nitsche’s conclusion about the derivation of the topic marker hiyay can be seen in (463) where instead of finding hiya linked with the nominative marker ye to form hiyay we see hiya linked with the dative marker to form hiya ha. This fronted adverbial clause has no resumptive pronoun.
(463) |
Hiya |
ha |
anti |
ko |
ha |
lale, |
ampamahaka |
ko |
ha |
matondol |
nin |
Naboko. |
TM |
DAT |
present |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
forest |
CONT-go.up |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
hill |
GEN |
Naboko |
When I was in the forest, I was going up the mountain of Naboko. |
|
A deictic connected to an NP can also appear in left dislocation (464). It can be referenced anaphorically in the matrix clause as in (464) or through a resumptive pronoun as in (465). The difference between the use of hiyay and the deictics is in the level of specificity. Deictics refer to more specific information in that the object referenced
is in some sense visible to the speaker.
(464) |
Yabayin |
a |
maambal, |
antibeen |
lan |
aho |
ko. |
this-EMPH |
LK |
python |
CONT-bark-OV |
3PL.GEN |
dog |
1SG.GEN |
That python, [it] is being barked at by my dogs. |
|
(465) |
Yain |
a |
anak, |
ahe |
ya |
natey, |
no |
aliwan |
angkatoloy |
yan |
bengat. |
This |
LK |
child |
NEG |
3SG.NOM |
PRF-die |
if |
NEG |
CONT-sleep |
3SG.NOM |
only |
This child, she has not died, but rather she is just sleeping. |
|
So now we see that there are six different words which can precede the left-dislocated construction.
Hiyay |
Hiya + nominative marker
|
Singular |
Hilay |
Hila + nominative marker
|
Plural |
Hiya ha |
Hiya + dative marker
|
Adverbials |
Yatin a |
Deictic + linker |
Near speaker |
Yain a |
Deictic + linker |
Near hearer |
Yatew a |
Deictic + linker |
Far from speaker and hearer |
Pronouns can also occur in the left-dislocation position, but only pronouns of a specific class. Nitsche said that “The prominence
pronouns (Class 0) may be viewed as derived from class I pronouns and prefixed with hi-.” Nitsch (2009) These pronouns, called emphatic pronouns by other Philippine linguists, are then referenced through resumptive pronouns in
the matrix clause as we see in (467).
(466) |
|
Number |
Person |
Class 0 PROM (TOP)
|
non-plural |
1 |
hiko P1S |
2 |
hika P2S |
1+2 (incl.) |
hikita P12S |
3 |
hiya P3S |
plural |
1 (excl.) |
hikayi P1P |
2 |
hikawo P2P |
1+2 (incl.) |
hikitawo P12P |
3 |
hila P3P |
|
(467) |
Hiko, |
katapolan |
akon |
magdanah |
nin |
malabong |
a |
kaidapan. |
P1S |
must |
1S |
CON-experience |
GEN |
many |
LK |
difficulty |
As for me, I must experience many difficulties. |
|
There are three basic ways of marking topic: morphologically (topic marker), syntactically (fronted position), or phonologically
(pause afterwards). These three corroborate in Ayta Abellen and set forth the initial hypothesis of topic marking because
there is sufficient evidence of morphological markers in fronted position followed by a pause. What is still needed is evidence
to prove that the information encoded between hiyay and the pause is in fact a topic. This will be the focus of section B.5.
Only the SUBJ can occur in the left-dislocation position. A variety of NPs with different semantic roles can occur in this
position such as: agent NP (468), theme NP (469), patient NP (470), and location NP (471). Further research may discover other semantic roles which can occur in this position. But all of these are grammatical SUBJ.
(468) |
Haanin, |
hilay |
tataon |
nanyag |
tori, |
nangaiigat |
hila. |
Now |
TM |
people |
made |
tower |
PRF-surprise |
3PL.NOM |
Now, the people who made the tower, they were shocked. |
|
(469) |
Ta |
hiyay |
tori, |
intagay |
lan |
intagay. |
For |
TM |
tower |
PRF.OV-raise |
3PL.GEN |
raised |
For the tower, they raised [it] and raised [it]. |
|
(470) |
Hilay |
tataon |
ampaghakit |
nin |
hadi-hadi, |
pinataah |
na |
hilan |
Apo |
Jesus. |
TM |
people |
CONT-sick |
GEN |
various |
CAUS-PRF.OV-heal |
3SG.GEN |
3PL.NOM |
Lord |
Jesus |
The people sick with different kinds of diseases, Jesus healed them. |
|
(471) |
Hiya |
ha |
anti |
ko |
ha |
lale, |
ampamahaka |
ko |
ha |
matondol |
nin |
Naboko. |
TM |
DAT |
present |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
forest |
CONT-go-up |
1SG.GEN |
DAT |
hill |
GEN |
Naboko |
When I was in the forest, I was going up the mountain of Naboko. |
|
In example (472) we can see that possessors can also be preposed. The topic phrase (in this case a pronoun) is the possessor of bi-ay ‘life’ in the following temporal phrase.
(472) |
Hiko, |
ha |
pinangibatan |
nin |
bi-ay |
ko, |
wanabay |
ya. |
1SG.EMPH |
DAT |
PRF-from-GV |
GEN |
life |
1SG.GEN |
like-this |
3SG.NOM |
I, at the beginning of my life, it was like this. |
|
WH-question words can never occur in the left dislocation position and can never be marked with hiyay (473). This ban on the use of interrogatives in the hiyay marked left-dislocation slot suggests that focused information in general is not permitted in this position.
(473) |
*Hiyay |
hinya, |
nakew |
ha |
banwa. |
TM |
who |
PRF-go |
DAT |
town. |
|
Kroeger says that “Our basic assumption is that a single element cannot function as both topic and focus at the same time,
since the same piece of information cannot be simultaneously old and new in a single context.” Kroeger (2004) Since we know that a question word places pragmatic focus on the part of the answer that replaces the WH-question word, we
want to find out if hiyay ever marks the pragmatically focused part of an answer.
In response to the question in (474) we can see that the focused information of the kalatkat ‘backpack’ can occur after the verb (475) but it cannot occur before the verb through topicalization (476). We could, however, have pseudo-cleft answers where the presupposed information appears in the left-dislocation and the focused
information occurs after the pause ((477) and (478)).
(474) |
Ayay |
dinyag |
mo |
ihtew? |
what=NOM |
PRF.OV-do |
2SG.GEN |
there |
What did you do/make there? |
|
(475) |
Nanyag |
kayin |
kalatkat |
ihtew. |
PRF-do |
1PL.EXCL.NOM=GEN |
backpack |
there |
We made a backpack there. |
|
(476) |
*Hiyay |
kalatkat, |
dinyag |
mi |
ihtew. |
TM |
backpack |
PRF.OV-do |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
there |
The backpack, we made it there. |
|
(477) |
Hiyay |
dinyag |
mi |
ihtew, |
nanyag |
kayin |
kalatkat. |
TM |
PRF.OV-do |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
there |
PRF-do |
1PL.EXCL.NOM=GEN |
backpack |
What we did there, we made a backpack. |
|
(478) |
Hiyay |
dinyag |
mi |
ihtew, |
kalatkat. |
TM |
PRF.OV-do |
1PL.EXCL.GEN |
there |
backpack |
What we made there is a backpack. |
|
If the information brought into focus through a WH-question is a location (479) coded with an OBL, we get similar results. The focused OBL can occur after the verb (480). The focused OBL cannot be fronted either with a pause (481) or without a pause (482). The OBL cannot take the marker hiya (483). Finally the voice can be changed for the presupposed information from the question and that information marked as topic
(484), resulting in just the location appearing on the other side of the pause.
(479) |
Way-ihtew |
ka |
makew? |
Where |
2SG.NOM |
CTPLT-go |
|
(480) |
Makew |
ako |
ha |
Angeles. |
CTPLT-go |
1SG.NOM |
DAT |
Angeles |
|
(481) |
*Ha |
Angeles, |
makew |
ako. |
DAT |
Angeles |
CTPLT-go |
1SG.NOM |
|
(482) |
*Ha |
Angeles |
ako |
makew. |
DAT |
Angeles |
1SG.NOM |
CTPLT-go |
|
(483) |
*Hiya |
ha |
Angeles, |
makew |
ako. |
TM |
DAT |
Angeles |
CTPLT-go |
1SG.NOM |
|
(484) |
Hiyay |
lakwen |
ko, |
Angeles. |
TM |
go-OV |
1SG.GEN |
Angeles |
The place where I will go is Angeles. |
|
For the verbless example in (485) Pabling is the focused element and that name cannot be marked with hiyay (486) although the known information from the question can be repeated in a hiyay marked left dislocation and then the answer given after the pause (487).
(485) |
Ayay |
ngalan |
mo? |
what=NOM |
name |
2SG.GEN |
|
(486) |
*Hiyay |
Pabling. |
TM |
Pabling |
|
(487) |
Hiyay |
ngalan |
ko, |
Pabling. |
TM |
name |
1SG.GEN |
Pabling |
|
So with both verbal and non-verbal sentences we can see evidence from the WH-question test that the left-dislocated information
marked with hiyay has characterics of being a Topic.
We know that negation also generally takes scope over focused elements. So, we want to ask the question of whether negation
can occur in the the left-dislocation position with hiyay. Or to put it another way, we want to test if negation can ever take scope over something marked with hiyay. There are two negation words in Ayta Abellen but neither ahe (488) nor aliwa (489) can take scope over a constituent marked with hiyay in left-dislocation.
(488) |
*Ahe |
hiyay |
Emilio, |
nangan |
ya. |
NEG |
TM |
Emilio |
PRF-eat |
3SG.NOM |
(cf. Emilio did not eat.) |
|
(489) |
*Aliwa |
hiyay |
Emilio, |
nangan |
ya. |
NEG |
TM |
Emilio |
PRF-eat |
3SG.NOM |
|
A thorough search through our data corpus reveals only a few rare instances where either of the Ayta Abellen negators (ahe, aliwa) ever occurs inside the left dislocation position. In these exceptional cases, though, the scope of the negation does not
cover the marked topic. Rather the negation is merely a part of a headless relative clause (490). The overwhelming majority of cases of negation occur in the matrix clause (491) where topic marking doesn’t occur.
(490) |
Hilay |
ahe |
naghimba |
talaga, |
naghimba |
hila. |
TM |
NEG |
PRF-worship |
truly |
PRF-worship |
3PL.NOM |
Those who really did not go to church, they came to church. |
|
(491) |
Ahe |
kitawo |
no |
ahe |
yay |
Apo |
Dioh. |
NEG |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
if |
NEG |
NOM |
Lord |
God |
We would not be if not for the Lord. |
|
We can also find pragmatic focus in situations where old information is refuted as false and the new information bears focus.
In example (492) a speaker has tinapay ‘bread’ for sale. In (493) the responder says that it is not bread that he wants to buy but rather beyah ‘rice’. The information in focus here is beyah. It would not be a grammatical response to move beyah into the topic, or presupposed information slot (494). This test again shows the incompatability of marked topic information with pragmatic focus.
(492) |
Main |
kayin |
tinapay. |
EXT |
1PL.EXCL.NOM |
bread |
|
(493) |
Aliwan |
tinapay |
ye |
labay |
kon |
haliwen, |
no |
aliwan |
beyah. |
NEG=GEN |
bread |
NOM |
want |
1SG.GEN=GEN |
buy-OV |
if |
NEG=GEN |
rice |
It’s not bread I want to buy, but rather rice. |
|
(494) |
*Hiyay |
beyah, |
labay |
kon |
haliwen. |
Aliwan |
tinapay. |
TM |
rice |
want |
1SG=GEN |
buy-OV |
NEG=GEN |
bread |
Rice, I want to buy. Not bread. |
|
Kaufman (2005)has said that “focus sensitive elements will be ungrammatical if syntactically forced to associate with a topic as presupposed
information should not be available for modification.” (Kaufman 2005:180) The Ayta Abellen particle agya ‘even’ will be used for this test. It occurs phrase initial and automatically places focus on the phrase it precedes. In example
40 narrow focus is placed on the angels of God by the particle agya. What is confusing here is that we have one of the surface forms (hilay) which I said previously is a topic marker. This would seem to be an example showing that we have a topic marker modifying
information which the focus sensitive adverbial takes scope over. But this is not really the case as hilay can be either a topic marker or a NOM case marker for plural nouns, which is the function in this case. This also is what
Nitsche had proposed and he defended it with this footnote “The third person plural emphatic pronoun has the same form as
the third person plural topic-pronoun, probably to avoid the reduplication of hi-, i.e. *hihila.” Nitsch (2009)
(495) |
Agya |
hilay |
aanghil |
nan |
Apo |
Dioh, |
ahe |
la |
tanda. |
even |
NOM |
PL-angel |
GEN |
Lord |
God |
NEG |
3PL.GEN |
know |
Even the angels of God, they don’t know. |
|
It would be better to apply the test on information marked with hiyay or a deictic. Here we see that we can never have agya associated with this type of information.
(496) |
*Agya |
hiyay |
Pabling, |
nakew |
ya |
ha |
banwa. |
even |
TM |
Pabling |
PRF-go |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
town |
Even Pabling, he went to town. |
|
(497) |
*Agya |
yatew |
a |
aho, |
ahe |
ya |
nangan. |
even |
that |
LK |
dog |
NEG |
3SG.NOM |
PRF-eat |
Even that dog, it did not eat. |
|
So once again we see that the left-dislocation topic position is not compatible with focused elements. Based on the results
of these five tests it seems appropriate to conclude that the information in this position is in fact the topic.
It is not just topics that can be preposed in Ayta Abellen. Locative phrases can be preposed (498) as can temporal phrases (499). It is possible to have more than one preposed temporal phrase, each separated by a pause (500) and usually both are preceded with the OBL marker ha.
(498) |
Ihtew |
ha |
banwa, |
inlako |
koy |
hahaa |
ko. |
there |
DAT |
town |
PRF.OV-sell |
1SG.GEN=NOM |
PL-banana |
1SG.GEN |
There in town, I sold my bananas. |
|
(499) |
Hatew |
a |
mangaamot, |
nakew |
ako |
ha |
lale |
nin |
nanganop. |
Back-then |
LK |
day |
PRF-go |
1SG.NOM |
DAT |
forest |
COMP |
PRF-hunt |
On a day in the past, I went to the forest to hunt. |
|
(500) |
Ha |
hatew, |
ha |
tiempo |
nin |
Hapon |
boy |
gida, |
hiyay |
ahawa |
ko, |
nakilaban |
nin |
hapon |
boy |
NPA. |
DAT |
back-then |
DAT |
time |
GEN |
Japan |
and |
war |
TM |
spouse |
1SG.GEN |
PRF-REQ-fight |
GEN |
Japan |
and |
NPA |
Back then, in the time of the Japanese and the war, my husband, he fought against the Japanese and the NPA. |
|
When there is both a marked topic and a temporal or location phrase in the left-dislocation position, there seems to be a
preferred ordering of the locative or temporal expression being first. I have found only one counterexample and it was in
a translated text (rather than a natural text) so I hypothesize that while there may not be an absolute grammatical order
rule, there certainly is a very strong preference to put the marked topic last, closest to the matrix clause (501).
(501) |
Haanin, |
ha |
domondon |
a |
biernes, |
hiyay |
Pabling, |
makew |
ya |
ha |
banwa. |
now |
DAT |
next |
LK |
Friday |
TM |
Pabling |
CTPLT-go |
3SG.NOM |
DAT |
town |
Now, next Friday, Pabling, he will go to town. |
|
Therefore, I propose that the general template for left-dislocation in Ayta Abellen looks like this:
(502) |
|
|
1 (ha) |
2 (hiyay) |
|
Discourse Marker |
(Deictic) + Temporal |
Hiyay + Topic
|
Matrix clause |
(Deictic) + Location |
Deictic + Topic |
|
But this template does not work for the topic pronouns. When a topic pronoun is used, it must precede the temporal and locative
information as can be seen in example (503) (repeated from (471)) and (504).
(503) |
Hiko, |
ha |
pinangibatan |
nin |
bi-ay |
ko, |
wanabay |
ya. |
1SG.EMPH |
DAT |
PRF-from-GV |
GEN |
life |
1SG.GEN |
like-this |
3SG.NOM |
I, at the beginning of my life, it was like this. |
|
(504) |
*Ha |
pinangibatan |
nin |
bi-ay |
ko, |
hiko, |
wanabay |
ya. |
DAT |
PRF-from-GV |
GEN |
life |
1SG.GEN |
1SG.EMPH |
like-this |
3SG.NOM |
At the beginning of my life, I was like this. |
|
So in the case of a pronoun as topic, the following template is the preferred order.
|
1 (Pronoun) |
2 (hiyay) |
|
Discourse Marker |
Topic pronoun |
(Deictic) + Temporal |
Matrix clause |
(Deictic) + Location |
The hiyay topic marker can occur after the pause in a verbless equative sentence (505). It was noted earlier that hiyay can be used to introduce new prominent characters to the discourse. When hiyay occurs marking
information that is not preposed, this function of introducing new characters is what is taking place. The preposed information
in this sentence marked with hiyay is the topic while the information after the pause introduces new characters.
(505) |
Hiyay |
pinaglamo |
nan |
Apo |
Jesus, |
hiyay |
Pedro, |
Santiago, |
boy |
hiyay |
Juan. |
TM |
PRF-DUR-accompany |
GEN |
Lord |
Jesus |
TM |
Pedro |
Santiago |
and |
TM |
Juan |
Those Jesus had companion with him were Pedro, Santiago, and Juan. |
|
Katagiri (2006) has said that the issues regarding topic and focus will be clearer after studies with other Philippine languages have been
completed. This paper helps clarify some of the features of Ayta Abellen topic marking. These features can now be compared
with other Philippine languages.
The Botolan Sambal marker hay only marks impersonal topics, while the Ayta Abellen hiyay marks both personal and impersonal topics.
Tina Sambal uses fronting to change the topic. But in that language both NP arguments in left-dislocation and NP arguments
in the matrix clause are marked with the same yay case marker. In Ayta Abellen there is a contrast with hiyay in left-dislocation and yay in the matrix clause. So, while it does appear that Tina Sambal is using fronting to encode changing topics, it doesn’t use
a distinct marker to show this.
Topic marking in Ayta Abellen also has differences with Tagalog. In Tagalog the ay marker occurs after the preposed topic and roughly matches the position of the pause in Ayta Abellen. But Tagalog doesn’t
have any preposed marker like the Abellen hiyay.
We can summarize what we know at this point about the various surface structures like this:
Language |
Topic Marker |
Topic |
Delimiter |
Ayta Abellen |
Hiyay/Hilay Deictic Topic pronoun
|
|
pause, ket[42] |
Ayta Ambala |
Hay |
|
pause |
Botolan Sambal |
Hay Hi/Hili Deictic
|
|
ay |
Tina Sambal |
Yay |
|
ay kot pause
|
Tagalog |
- |
|
ay |
In this paper I have attempted to show that the information Ayta Abellen marks in left-dislocation is in fact the topic. While
the topic precedes the verb, there are other types of information such as location and temporal points of departure which
can also be preposed. These types of information are distinguished from topics by not being marked with hiyay or a deictic.
Ayta Abellen personal topics are referenced through resumptive pronouns or zero anaphora.
The results of the WH-question, Negation, Focus-Sensitive Adverbials, and Contrastive Topic tests all point to the conclusion
that this preposed information is a marked topic that cannot bear pragmatic focus. Ayta Abellen only allows SUBJ and possessors
to be marked as topic. When there is more than one preposed element, the preferred order is for the locative or temporal phrase
to occur first before the topic. In the case of topic pronouns, the preferred order is reversed with the pronoun occuring
before other preposed information.
Finally, we have seen that similar types of topic marking occur in other Sambalic languages and Tagalog. Further studies and
comparisons will help clarify these similarities and differences.
These are 9 language learning lessons developed by Wilhelm Nitsch.
Drill: Repeat each sentence once!
(506) |
a. |
Way-omen kawo? |
How are you? |
b. |
Hiyay ngalan ko, Wilhelm Nitsch. |
My name is Wilhelm Nitsch. |
c. |
Hiko'y ibat ha Germany. |
I'm from Germany. |
d. |
Nakew ako ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
I came here to study the Ayta language. |
e. |
Yabay-in anan bengat ti tanda kon habiyen ha Ayta. |
That is all I know to say in Ayta. |
f. |
Wanabay ana. |
Goodbye to all of you. |
|
Nouns
Verbs
(508) |
a. |
nakew |
came/went, AV.PRF |
b. |
mag-adal |
study, AV.CTPLT |
c. |
tanda |
know, OV |
d. |
habiyen |
know, say, OV.CTPLT |
|
Pronouns
(509) |
a. |
kawo |
you (2PL.NOM) |
b. |
ko |
my (1SG.GEN) |
c. |
ako |
I (1SG.NOM) |
d. |
hiko |
I (1SG.EMPH) |
e. |
hiya |
(3SG.EMPH) |
|
Case Markers
Adverbs
(511) |
a. |
ibat |
from/originate |
b. |
ihti |
here |
c. |
anan bengat |
only, just |
d. |
ana |
now,already |
|
Interrogative pronoun
Linkers
Demonstrative Pronoun
(514) |
a. |
yabay-in |
that (near hearer) |
|
Drill: Repeat the sentence once or say the new sentence after cue is given!
(515) |
a. |
Hiyay ngalan ko, Wilhelm Nitsch. |
My name is Wilhelm Nitsch. |
b. |
Hiyay ngalan mo Wilhelm Nitsch |
Your name is Wilhelm Nitsch. |
c. |
Baey tawo yati. |
This is our (incl) house. |
d. |
Baey mi yati. |
This is our (excl) house. |
e. |
Yabayti ye baey yo. |
This is your (pl) house. |
f. |
Yabay-in ye baey la. |
That is their house |
|
(516) |
a. |
Ibat ako ha Germany. |
I'm from Germany. |
b. |
Ibat ka ha Germany. |
You're from Germany. |
c. |
Ibat ya ha Germany. |
He/she is from Germany. |
d. |
Ibat kitawo ha Germany. |
We (incl.) are from Germany. |
e. |
Ibat kayi ha Germany. |
We (excl.) are from Germany. |
f. |
Ibat kitawo ha Germany. |
You (pl.) are from Germany. |
g. |
Hilay ibat ha Germany. |
They are from Germany. |
|
(517) |
a. |
Nakew ako ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
I came here to study the Ayta language. |
b. |
Nakew ka ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
You (sg.) came here to study the Ayta language. |
c. |
Nakew ya ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
He/she came here to study the Ayta language. |
d. |
Nakew kitawo ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
We (incl.) came here to study the Ayta language. |
e. |
Nakew kayi ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
We (excl.) came here to study the Ayta language. |
f. |
Nakew kawo ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
You (pl.) came here to study the Ayta language. |
g. |
Nakew hila ihti a mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
They came here to study the Ayta language. |
|
(518) |
a. |
Way-omen ka? |
How are you (sg)? |
b. |
Way-omen ya? |
How is he/she? |
c. |
Way-omen kawo? |
How are you (pl)? |
d. |
Way-omen hila? |
How are they? |
|
Drill: Repeat each sentence once!
(519) |
a. |
Way-omen kawo? |
How are you(pl)? |
b. |
Way-ihtew kawo ibat? |
Where do you come from? |
c. |
Way-ihtew kawo makew? |
Where are you going? |
|
(520) |
a. |
Wanabay ana. |
Good bye (to all of you). |
|
(521) |
a. |
Omen met pa ha legan. |
Just like before. (Response to "How are you?") |
b. |
Awo. |
Yes. (Response to "Good bye.") |
|
(522) |
Nakew |
ako |
ha |
Labney |
naapon. |
PRF-go |
1SG.NOM |
OBL |
Labney |
yesterday |
I went to Labney yesterday. |
|
(523) |
a. |
Makew |
ako |
ha |
Labney. |
CTPLT-go |
1SG.NOM |
OBL |
Labney |
I'm going to Labney (action started). |
|
|
|
b. |
Makew |
ako |
ha |
Labney |
mabekah. |
CTPLT-go |
1SG.NOM |
OBL |
Labney |
tomorrow |
I will go to Labney tomorrow. |
|
|
|
c. |
Labay |
koy |
makew |
ha |
Labney |
mabekah. |
want |
I |
CTPLT-go |
OBL |
Labney |
tomorrow |
I would like to go to Labney tomorrow. |
|
|
|
- Note that the Ayta use different pronouns if the hearer is included or excluded C.1.3.1.
- Hiyay and hikoy in C.1.3.2 are contracted forms of hiya ye and hiko ye respectively.
- Hi- forms are possible in all cases in C.1.3.2 but they are not commonly used with kitawo, kayi and kawo.
- The verbs in Ayta Abellen do not display tenses but aspect. There are three aspects: perfective (PRF), continuous (CONT) and
contemplated (CTPLT). But it seems, that with some verbs like makew (see C.1.5.2) and muli (see C.3.4) contemplated aspect is often used instead of continuous.
- Note the Linkers -n as in: habi nin Ayta = habin Ayta and a as in: ihti a mag-adal... Not here but often in normal speech speed the final glottal stop of a is dropped (as in C.1.3.3).
- Instead of ...ihti a mag-adal... you can say ...ihtin mag-adal....
- The Ayta Abellen usually refer to their language as "Ayta". But they agree if asked if they call themselves Abellen, Abenlen,
or Aberlen.
- To greet an older person you add ama: Way-omen ka ama? Ama literally means "uncle", but it is also used with non-relatives as a form of respect, corresponding to the English word "sir".
LL=Language Learner AS=Ayta: Abellen Speaker
(524) |
a. |
LL: Way-omen ka, ama? |
How are you, Sir? |
b. |
AS: Omen met pa ha legan. |
I'm like before. |
c. |
LL: Way-ihtew ka ibat? |
Where did you come from? |
d. |
AS: Ibat ako ha Kayawedan. Way ihtew ka makew? |
I'm coming from Kayaudan. Where are you going? |
e. |
LL: Muli akoyna. |
I'm going home now. |
f. |
AS: Hay hika payna. |
It's up to you. |
|
Pronouns
(525) |
a. |
ka |
you (2SG.NOM) |
b. |
hika |
you (2SG.EMPH) |
|
Nouns
Verbs
(527) |
a. |
moli |
go home, AV, CTPLT |
b. |
makew |
come/go, AV, CTPLT |
|
Adverbs
(528) |
a. |
met |
also,too |
b. |
pa |
still |
c. |
legan |
before (in the past) |
|
Interrogative pronoun
(530) |
a. |
Hikoy ibat ha Kayawedan. |
I'm from Kayawedan. |
b. |
Hikay ibat ha Kayawedan. |
You (sg) are from Kayawedan. |
c. |
Hiyay ibat ha Kayawedan. |
He/she is from Kayawedan. |
d. |
Hikitay ibat haq Kayawedan. |
We (Du) are from Kayawedan. |
e. |
Hikayiy ibat haq Kayawedan. |
We (excl) are from Kayawedan. |
f. |
Hikawoy ibat ha Kayawedan. |
You (pl) are from Kayawedan. |
g. |
Hilay ibat ha Kayawedan. |
They are coming from Kayawedan. |
|
(531) |
a. |
Way-ihtew ka nangibat? |
Where did you come from? |
b. |
Way-ihtew ka makew? |
Where are you going? |
c. |
Way-ihtew ka makew mabekah? |
Where will you go tomorrow? |
d. |
Way-ihtew yay angkonaan mo? |
Where are you living? |
e. |
Way-ihtew yay baey mo? |
Where is your house? |
f. |
Way-ihtew yay ama mo? |
Where is your uncle? |
g. |
Way-ihtew yay haa? |
Where is the banana? |
|
(532) |
Nag-adal |
ako |
nin |
habin |
Ayta. |
AV-study |
1SG.NOM |
GEN |
language-LNK |
Ayta |
I studied the Ayta language. |
|
(533) |
Ampag-adal |
ako |
nin |
habin |
Ayta. |
AV-study |
1SG.NOM |
GEN |
language-LNK |
Ayta |
I'm studying the Ayta language. |
|
(534) |
Mag-adal |
ako |
nin |
habin |
Ayta |
mabekah. |
AV-study |
1SG.NOM |
GEN |
language-LNK |
Ayta |
tomorrow |
I will study the Ayta language tomorrow. |
|
(537) |
a. |
baey |
house |
b. |
mabekah |
tomorrow |
c. |
matekbe' |
short |
d. |
Kayawedan |
Kayawedan |
|
(538) |
a. |
mahilem |
afternoon |
b. |
angkading-ey |
ashamed |
c. |
oweh |
blanket |
d. |
habiyen |
say |
e. |
adalen |
study |
f. |
anem |
six |
g. |
naekew |
come/go |
h. |
Labney |
Labney |
i. |
ahe |
no/not |
j. |
matekbe' |
short |
|
- yay in C.2.3.2 may be a contracted form of ya ye, where ya may be omitted; and ihtew in way-ihtew yay/ye may be omitted, but then only ye is used.
- The difference in Tagalog between galing and taga is also made in Ayta: ibat and taga. But ibat is used in referring to a location where someone just came from (from a walk or trip) and also when refering to the place
of residence or origin; taga is only used in referring to a place of origin, i.e. the lacation where one is born or currently living.
- Pronoun Chart:
(539) |
|
Nominative marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
ako |
1SG |
'I' |
kita |
1PL.DU |
'we' |
kayi |
1PL.EXCL |
'we' |
kitawo |
1PL.INCL |
'we' |
ka |
2SG |
'you' |
kawo |
2PL |
'you' |
ya |
3SG |
'he/she/it' |
hila |
3PL |
'they' |
|
Genitive marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
=ko |
1SG |
'my' |
=ta |
1PL.DU |
'our' |
=mi |
1PL.EXCL |
'our' |
=tawo |
1PL.INCL |
'our' |
=mo |
2SG |
'your' |
=yo |
2PL |
'your' |
=na |
3SG |
'his/her/its' |
=la |
3PL |
'their' |
Dative marked personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
kangko |
1SG |
'to me' |
kanta |
1PL.DU |
'to us' |
kammi |
1PL.EXCL |
'to us' |
kantawo |
1PL.INCL |
'to us' |
kammo |
2SG |
'to you' |
kanyo |
2PL |
'to you' |
kanna |
3SG |
'to him' |
kanla |
3PL |
'to them' |
Emphatic personal pronouns |
Pronoun |
Feature |
Gloss |
hiko |
1SG |
'I' |
hikita |
1PL.DU |
'we' |
hikayi |
1PL.EXCL |
'we' |
hikitawo |
1PL.INCL |
'we' |
hika |
2SG |
'you' |
hikawo |
2PL |
'you' |
hiya |
3SG |
'he/she/it' |
hila |
3PL |
'they' |
- Greetings among the Aytas take the form of questions. They perform basically the same function as the English question how are you?
- Respect for older persons is not shown by certain grammatical forms like 2PL or a partical like po in Tagalog. Instead, you use the words ama 'uncle' or 'dadaq 'aunt'.
- Instead of Hay hi'ka 'payna 'it's up to you know' you can say 'Anti kamo, having the same meaning.
(540) |
a. |
LL: Labay kon matandaan ye ngalan mo, ama. |
I would like to know your name, Sir. |
b. |
AS: Malyadi. |
That's ok. |
c. |
LL: Hiyay ngalan ko Wilhelm Nitsch. |
My name is Wilhelm Nitsch. |
d. |
Hikoy ibat ha Germany. |
I'm from Germany. |
e. |
Aya met ti ngalan mo (, ama)? |
And what is your name, (Sir) ? |
f. |
AS: Hiyay ngalan ko Leonardo Franzisco. |
My name is Leonardo Franzisco. |
g. |
LL: Ampag-adal ako nin habin Ayta. |
I'm studying the Ayta language. |
h. |
Labay koy makitongtong kamo nin habin Ayta. |
I would like to talk with you in the Ayta language. |
i. |
Anoynay taon mo, ama? |
How old are you, Sir? |
j. |
AS: Anempo boy anem. |
Sixty six. |
k. |
LL: Ano met nayi ye anak mo? |
And how many children do you have? |
l. |
AS: Main anem hila ye anak ko. |
I have six children. |
m. |
LL: Aya met nayi ye abala yo, ama? |
And what is your work, Sir? |
n. |
AS: Ampanggawa kayi ihti. |
We are clearing (the forest etc). |
o. |
LL: Malake a halamat, ta makew akoyna. |
Many thanks, because I`m going now. |
|
Pronoun
Auxiliary Verbs
Verbs
(543) |
a. |
matandaan |
now |
b. |
ampag-adal |
study, AV, CONT |
c. |
makitongtong |
converse, AV, CTPLT |
d. |
ampanggawa |
work, AV, CONT |
|
Question Words
Nouns
Noun marker
Adverb
Adjective
Conjunction
(550) |
a. |
Aya yati? |
What is this (near speaker)? |
b. |
Aya yain? |
What is that (near hearer)? |
c. |
Aya yatew? |
What is that (far from both)? |
d. |
Aya hila yati? |
What are these (near speaker)? |
e. |
Aya hila yain? |
What are those (near hearer)? |
f. |
Aya hila yatew? |
What are those (far from both)? |
|
(551) |
a. |
Makitongtong ya kangko. |
He will converse with me. |
b. |
Makitongtong ya kamo. |
He will converse with you (sg). |
c. |
Makitongtong ya kana. |
He will converse with him. |
d. |
Makitongtong ya kanta. |
He will converse with us (du). |
e. |
Makitongtong ya kanmi. |
He will converse with us (excl). |
f. |
Makitongtong ya kanyo. |
He will converse with you (pl). |
g. |
Makitongtong ya kanla. |
He will converse with them. |
|
(552) |
a. |
Labay kon matandaan ye ngalan mo. |
I would like to know your name. |
b. |
Labay koy koy makitongtong kamo |
I would like to converse with you. |
c. |
Labay koy mag-adal kamo nin habin Ayta. |
I would like to learn the Ayta language from you. |
d. |
Labay koy makew ha Labney mabekah. |
I would like to go to Labnay tomorrow. |
e. |
Labay koy mag-adal nin habin Ayta. |
I would like to learn the Ayta language. |
|
(553) |
a. |
Anoy nay anak mo, ama? |
How many children do you have, Sir? |
b. |
Main magha ye anak ko. |
I have one child. |
c. |
Main luwa hila ye aanak ko. |
I have two children. |
d. |
Main tatlo hila ye aanak ko. |
I have three children. |
e. |
Main apat hila ye aanak ko. |
I have four children. |
f. |
Main lima hila ye aanak ko. |
I have five children. |
g. |
Main anem hila ye aanak ko. |
I have six children. |
h. |
Main pito hila ye aanak ko. |
I have seven children. |
i. |
Main walo hila ye aanak ko. |
I have eight children. |
j. |
Main hiyam hila ye aanak ko. |
I have nine children. |
k. |
Main mapo hila ye aanak ko. |
I have ten children. |
|
(554) |
a. |
Noli ako naapon. |
I went home yesterday. |
b. |
Noli ka naapon. |
You went home yesterday. |
c. |
Noli ka lawe naapon. |
Did you go home yesterday? |
|
(555) |
a. |
Nakanoy ing-oli mo? |
When did you go home? |
b. |
Aya ye odah a ing-oli mo na'-apon? |
When did you go home yesterday? |
|
(556) |
a. |
Moli akoyna. |
I'm going home now (action not yet started or started already). |
b. |
Moli kayna! |
Go home! |
|
(557) |
a. |
Makanoy i-oli mo? |
When will you go home? |
b. |
Aya ye odah i-oli mo mabekah? |
At what time will you go home tomorrow? |
|
(558) |
a. |
labin magha etc. |
11 |
b. |
luwampo |
20 |
c. |
luwampo boy magha etc. |
21 |
d. |
tatlompo |
30 |
e. |
apatapo |
40 |
f. |
limampo |
50 |
g. |
anempo |
60 |
h. |
pitompo |
70 |
i. |
walompo |
80 |
j. |
hiyamapo |
90 |
k. |
magatoh (irreg.) |
100 |
|
- The case marker ye can be exchanged by yay or ti, but ye is most commonly used.
- Instead of using the EMPH pronoun as in hikoy ibat ha Germany the NOM pronoun may be used: ibat ako ha Germany. Note the change in word order!
- Note that the continuous aspect of moli 'go home' is most commenly only used in iterative actions like in C.3.4.3. The same is true for makew 'go, come' (see C.1.5). The reason may be, that the aim of the action, ie the reaching of the destination, is still contemplated.
- Note that the word final [h] is not always pronounced anymore.
(559) |
a. |
LL: Naboyot akon ahe nakew ihti. |
I didn`t come here for a long time. |
b. |
Papanoy nay bi-ay mo haanin, kompadi? |
How is your life today, kompadre? |
c. |
AS: Manged met pa. |
I'm fine. |
d. |
LL: Hikoy Wilhelm. |
I'm Wilhelm. |
e. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha badyon Labney. |
I'm living here in the Barangay of Labn+y. |
f. |
Malyadi lawey makitongtong kamo ha Ayta, kompadi? |
May I converse with you in Ayta, kompadre? |
g. |
AS: Malyadi, kompadi. |
That`s o.k.,kompadre. |
h. |
LL: Aya yati? |
What is this (near speaker)? |
i. |
Aya yain/ayain? |
What is that (near hearer)? |
j. |
Aya yatew? |
What is that over there? |
k. |
Halamat, kaka, kokoyna. |
Thanks, older brother; I'm going now. |
l. |
Malyadin mag-odong ako ihti? |
May I come back here? |
m. |
AS: Awo, malyadi. |
Yes, you may. |
|
Adverbs
(560) |
a. |
naboyot |
a long time |
b. |
haanin |
today |
c. |
manged |
fine, well |
|
Verbs
(561) |
a. |
mangkomonin |
reside, AV, CTPLT |
b. |
makitongtong |
converse, AV, CTPLT |
c. |
kukoyna |
go,leave |
d. |
mag-odong |
return, come back, AV, CTPLT |
|
Nouns
(562) |
a. |
bi-ay |
life |
b. |
labney |
large kind of rattan |
c. |
badyo |
barangay |
d. |
kompadi |
Sp. compadre |
|
Question Particle
Affirmation
Negation
Interrogative Pronoun
(567) |
a. |
Papanoynay bi-ay mo haanin, kompadi? |
How is your life today, kompadre? |
b. |
Papano hilay pamilya mo haanin, kompadi? |
How is your family today, kompadre? |
c. |
Papano ye aanak mo haanin, kompadi? |
How are your children today, kompadre? |
d. |
Papano ye kahaha-ad yo ihti, kompadi? |
How is your situation here, kompadre? |
e. |
Papano ye apit yo, kompadi? |
How is your harvest, kompadre? |
f. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kakatongno? |
How is our means of livelihood, kompadre? |
|
(568) |
a. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha badyon Labney. |
I'm living here in the Barangay of Labney. |
b. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha lale. |
I'm living here in the forest. |
c. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha mabakil. |
I'm living here in the mountains. |
d. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha banwa |
.I'm living here in the town. |
e. |
Mangkomonin ako ihti ha Pilipinah. |
I'm living here in the Philippines. |
|
(569) |
a. |
Malyadi lawey makitongtong kamo ha Ayta? |
May I converse with you in Ayta? |
b. |
Malyadi lawey manepet kanyo? |
May I ask you something? |
c. |
Malyadi lawen edamen ko ye etak mo? |
May I borrow your bolo? |
d. |
Malyadin moli akoyna? |
May I go home now? |
e. |
Malyadi kon ihabin kaganaan. |
I can say everything. |
f. |
Malyadi kon maghabin matekbe. |
I can give a short talk. |
g. |
Malyadi lawey makipraktis kamo nin habin Ayta? |
May I practice the Ayta language with you? |
h. |
Malyadi nay makew ha Manila. |
It's prepared to go to Manila. |
i. |
Malyadi akoynan makew ha Manila. |
I'm prepared to go to Manila. |
j. |
Malyadin mag-odong ako ihti. |
May I came back here? |
|
(570) |
a. |
Main kan damwag? |
Do you have water buffalos? |
b. |
Awo. Main akon labin magha a damwag. |
Yes. I have eleven water buffalos. |
c. |
Awo. Main akon labin luwa a damwag. |
Yes. I have twelve water buffalos. |
d. |
Awo. Main akon labin tatlo a damwag. |
Yes. I have thirteen water buffalos. |
e. |
Awo. Main akon labin apat a damwag. |
Yes. I have fourteen water buffalos. |
f. |
Awo. Main akon labin lima a damwag. |
Yes. I have fifteen water buffalos. |
g. |
Awo. Main akon labin anem a damwag. |
Yes. I have sixteen water buffalos. |
h. |
Awo. Main akon labin pito a damwag. |
Yes. I have seventeen water buffalos. |
i. |
Awo. Main akon labin walo a damwag. |
Yes. I have eighteen water buffalos. |
j. |
Awo. Main akon labin hiyam a damwag. |
Yes. I have nineteen water buffalos. |
k. |
Awo. Main akon labin lowampo a damwag. |
Yes. I have twenty water buffalos. |
|
(571) |
a. |
Aya ye taloh nan hiyati ha Tagalog? |
What does this mean in Tagalog? |
b. |
Hohto lawe ye paghabi ko nin Ayta? |
Is my Ayta correct? |
c. |
Hohto lawe yain? |
Is that correct? |
d. |
Ahe ko matalohan, ali. |
I don't understand, younger brother/sister. |
e. |
Ahe ko tanda. |
I don't know. |
f. |
Tanda ko. |
I know. |
g. |
Madanon bengat. |
Just a minute. |
h. |
Papakanaen mo ye maghabi? |
Could you please speak slowly? |
i. |
Matalohan ko, kaka. |
I understand, older brother. |
j. |
Pangingalo mo ta ohiken mo. |
Please repeat. |
k. |
Pagpanopayaan mo ko. |
Excuse me. |
l. |
Aya yati ha Ayta? |
What is this in Ayta? |
m. |
Nayadi akoyna. |
I'm finished. |
|
(572) |
a. |
magatoh boy magha |
101 |
b. |
magatoh boy mapo |
110 |
c. |
magatoh boy lowampo |
120 |
d. |
magatoh boy lowampo boy magha |
121 |
e. |
lowang gatoh |
200 |
f. |
tatloy gatoh |
300 |
g. |
apat a gatoh |
400 |
h. |
limang gatoh |
500 |
i. |
anem a gatoh |
600 |
j. |
pitoy gatoh |
700 |
k. |
walong gatoh |
800 |
l. |
hiyam a gatoh |
900 |
m. |
maghay libo |
1000 |
|
- Note the Linkers =y and =n: lawe=y and na=y, lawe=n, Malyadi=n and ko=n. The full forms ye for =y and nin for =n can be used instead, but they are not commonly used. =y is used.
- Note that in C.4.3.3 the pluralized form aanak is optional. The simple form anak may be used instead which is the case with other such words also.
- Note also the usage of the DAT pronouns kamo 'with you' and kanyo 'you' or 'to you' in C.4.3.3.
- Note the usage of hila 'they' in C.4.3.13.1 here. It functions here as a pluralizer.
- Note the maki- prefix in C.4.3.3. It is used to ask permission.
- Note the stress shift to the left in 'tanda in : Ahe ko 'tanda vs Tan'da ko.
- Raising the tone seems to be the typical intonation pattern for a question, see the question in C.4.3.4 and Aya yati ha Ayta? in C.4.4.
- Instead of Mangkomonin you can say angkomonin (see C.4.1).
- The ako in Malyadin mag-odong ako ihti may be shifted to the left: Malyadi akon mag-odong ihti. Note that ako then takes the LK -n.
- Kokoyna may (historically) be a abbreviation of makew akoyna.
- Multiples of hundred are form as follows: the cardinal number (one to nine) + LK + gatoh 'times one hundred'. When the cardinal number ends on a vowel, the usual LK is -y (but the LKs -n and -ng are also accaptable); those cardinals ending on a consonant take the LK a.
- Where Tagalog uses three words for 'to know', i.e. marunong, kilala and alam, Ayta always uses tanda.
- If you meet a person for the very first time you can use the TEXT starting as follows: Papanoy nay bi-ay mo, kompadi? How is you life, kompadre? As with the other greeting (see lessons 1-3) you don't use this greeting every time you meet a person. If you visit some
in his house you shout "Apo" before you enter the house and then start the conversation. If you ask a friend how he is he will tell you if he is sick.
A stranger will still say "Manged met pa" in that case.
- The Barangay Labney is named after the rattan labney that grows in the forrest there and is sold to buyers for export.
- Kayawedan means 'place where yawed is planted'. Yawed 'betel leaf pepper' is a climbing plant and was first planted in Kayawedan by Kresensyo Bautista around 1920. By this he became the founder
of that village.
- The usage of katongno 'brother, sister' is similar to the one of kapatid in Tagalog. You can address any person with it regardless if male or female, older or younger,
Christian or not.
- Kompadi 'Sp. compadre' can be used to address 1. a male sponsor as in matrimony, 2. the father of the one being married, 3. any man at same age.
(573) |
a. |
Apo! |
Hello! |
b. |
Omabot ka! |
Come in! |
c. |
Nakew ako ihti a makiplaktih kamo nin habin Ayta. |
I came here to practice the Ayta language with you. |
d. |
Awo, Malyadi. |
That's o.k. |
e. |
Way-omen ti bi-ay? |
How is life? |
f. |
Manged met pa. |
It's still good. |
g. |
Main akon kaget a litlato nin pamilya mi. |
I have brought a picture of our family. |
h. |
Yati ye ahawa ko. |
This is my spouse. |
i. |
Boy yati ye bapa ko. |
And this is my father. |
j. |
Boy yabayti ye indo ko. |
And this is my mother. |
k. |
Hilabayti hila ye aanak ko. |
These are my children. |
l. |
Pawa hilan babayi ye aanak ko. |
My children are all girls. |
m. |
Yabayti ye Anneli. Hiyabayti ye makaagat. |
This is Anneli. She is the oldest. |
n. |
Boy yabayti ye Salome. Hiyabaytiy bonak. |
And this is Salome. She is the middle one. |
o. |
Boy Esther Ruth ye ikatlo. |
And Esther Ruth is the third one. |
p. |
Malake a halamat kanyo, ta hinaglapan yo ko. |
Many thanks to you, because you helped me. |
q. |
Mag-odong akoynaman no minghan a mangaamot. |
I will come back some other day. |
r. |
Wanabay ana, kokoyna. |
Good bye, I'm going now. |
|
Verbs
(574) |
a. |
omabot |
come here AF, PRP |
b. |
makiplaktih |
practice AF, PRP |
c. |
kaget |
bring, carry |
d. |
hinaglapan |
help, LF, CMP |
e. |
mag-odong |
return, come back AF, PRP |
|
Nouns
(575) |
a. |
bi-ay |
life |
b. |
litlato |
picture (span. litrato) |
c. |
pamilya |
family (span. familia) |
d. |
mangaamot |
day, sun |
|
Demonstrative Pronouns
Adverbs
(577) |
a. |
pawa |
pure, only |
b. |
babayi |
female |
c. |
naman |
on the other hand |
d. |
minghan |
sometimes |
|
Conjunctions
Interjection
(579) |
a. |
apo |
hello (see cultural notes) |
|
Kinship terms
(580) |
a. |
ahawa |
spouse |
b. |
bapa |
father |
c. |
indo |
mother |
d. |
anak |
child |
e. |
makaagat |
oldest child |
f. |
bonak |
middle child |
g. |
ikatlo |
third child |
h. |
pinakamakaydeng |
youngest child |
i. |
kaka |
older sibling |
j. |
ampo |
parent in law |
k. |
apo |
grandparent |
l. |
aanak |
children |
m. |
kaka a laki |
older brother |
n. |
kaka a babayi |
older sister |
|
(581) |
a. |
Yati ye ahawa ko. |
This is my spouse. |
b. |
Yati ye bapa ko. |
This is my father. |
c. |
Yati ye indo ko. |
This is my mother. |
|
(582) |
a. |
Yabayti ye ahawa ko. |
This is my spouse. |
b. |
Yabayti ye bapa ko. |
This is my father. |
c. |
Yabayti ye indoq ko. |
This is my mother. |
|
(583) |
a. |
Ahawa ko yati. |
This is my spouse. |
b. |
Bapa ko yati. |
This is my father. |
c. |
Indo ko yati. |
This is my mother. |
|
(584) |
Hilabayti ye aampo ko. |
These are my parents in law. |
|
(585) |
a. |
Aya ye bapa mo? |
Who is your (S) father? |
b. |
Aya ye indo mo? |
Who is your (S) mother? |
c. |
Aya ye kaka mo a babayi? |
Who is your older sister? |
d. |
Aya ye kaka mo a laki? |
Who is your older brother? |
e. |
Aya yain a tao? |
Who is that person? |
f. |
Aya yatew a anak? |
Who is that child over there? |
|
(586) |
a. |
Ayay ngalan mo? |
What is your name? |
b. |
Anoy nay taon mo? |
How old are you? |
c. |
Main kayna lawen ahawa? |
Are you alreade married? |
d. |
Main kayna lawen aanak? |
Do you have children already? |
e. |
Ano met nayi ye aanak mo? |
And how many children do you have? |
f. |
Way-ihtew yay angkonaan mo? |
Where do you live? |
g. |
Aya ye abala yo? |
What is your work? |
|
(587) |
Nanyag |
yay |
Domingo |
nin |
iknoan. |
make.PERF.AV |
NOM |
Domingo |
GEN |
seat |
Domingo made something to sit on. |
|
(588) |
Ampanyag |
kayi |
nin |
baey. |
make.CONT.AV |
1PL.EXCL |
GEN |
house |
|
(589) |
Manyag |
hila |
nin |
olnah. |
make.CTPLT.AV |
3PL |
GEN |
sled |
They will make a carabao sled. |
|
- Note that the sentences *ahawa ko yabayti or *ahawa ko hiyabayti are ungrammatical. Only yati can be used both at the beginning or end of the sentence (see C.5.3.1).
- A command can basically take three forms depending on the 'stress' one applies to it. Tapolen mo ye damwag! 'Look for the kalabao!' is the most simple and 'strongest' command. To use it may even imply that you are angry. Pangingalo mo ta tapolen mo ye damwag! 'Please look for the Kalabao!' and Malyadi lawen tapolen mo ye damwag! 'Could you look for the Kalabao?' are 'soft' commands. The latter may be the softest one.
- In C.5.3.1 there seems to be no difference in meaning between the three sentences, e.g. Yati ye ahawa ko/yabayti ye ahawa ko/ahawa ko yati.
- Note that hinaglapan in 1 has the location in focus which in this case is me, but the focus form of me is ko here, not ako. So there are two forms for the 1SG and in GV the minimal form ko is frequently used.
- Apo 'hello' is what you shout when you come to an house you want to visit, similar to the Tao po in Tagalog. Apo is a respectful term of address used to an older man or woman or a 'professional', or a person of authority like God (in
prayer). Apo also means grandparent and also grandchild.
- You show interest in a person by asking certain questions (see C.5.4).
- Kinship terms are often the same for both male and female. Examples: ahawa 'spouse, male or female' anak 'son or daughter' kaka 'older sibling' ampo 'father or mother in law'.
- Examples where the terms are not the same: bapa 'father' indo 'mother' ama 'uncle' dada 'aunt'
- Aytas express thankfulness mostly through actions (giving fruits, wild pig meat etc), but also in words like halamat.
(590) |
a. |
Apo! |
Hello! |
b. |
Homlep ka! |
Come in! |
c. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kakatongno? |
How are our means of life, brethren? |
d. |
Manged metbay. |
They are still good. |
e. |
No malyadi dayi ket abaen kita po, ta main akon ibalita kamo, kaka. |
If possible I would like to disturb you, because I have something to tell you, older brother. |
f. |
Malyadi. Aya nayi ti labay mon ibalita? |
Ok. What do you want to tell? |
g. |
Way-ihtew ya ye ahawa mo? |
Where is your spouse? |
h. |
Ihtew ya ha banwa. Magbalingatngat ka po dayi! |
She is in town. Have a merienda first! |
i. |
Agya ahe ana. Noba tawayan ko makandi. |
Even so not now. But I will taste a little bit. |
|
Verbs
(591) |
a. |
homlep |
come in, AV, CTPLT |
b. |
abaen |
disturb, GV, CTPLT |
c. |
ibalita |
tell, OV, CTPLT |
d. |
magbalingatngat |
have/eat merienda AV, CTPLT |
e. |
tawayan |
taste, GV, CTPLT |
|
Adverbs
(592) |
a. |
dayi |
(I) wish |
b. |
agya (conj.) |
even if/so |
c. |
makandi |
little |
|
Conjunction
Other
(595) |
a. |
Homlep ka! |
Come in! |
b. |
Omabot |
Come here! |
c. |
Lomipay |
Come across! |
d. |
Lumwah |
Go out! |
e. |
Manik |
Come up! |
f. |
Homlep |
Come in! |
|
(596) |
a. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kakatongno? |
How are our means of life, brethren? |
b. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kompadi? |
How are our means of life, brother? |
c. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, gayyem? |
How are our means of life, friend? |
d. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, amigo? |
How are our means of life, friend? |
e. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kaka |
How are our means of life, older brother/sister? |
f. |
Papanoy kabi-ayan tawo, kakatongno? |
How are our means of life, brethren? |
|
(597) |
a. |
No malyadi dayi ket abaen kita po, ta main akon ibalita kammo,kaka. |
If possible I would like to disturb you, because I have something to tell you, Sir. |
b. |
No malyadi dayi ket abaen na ka po, ta main yan ibalita kammo, kaka. |
If possible he would like to disturb you, because he has something to tell you, Sir. |
c. |
No malyadi dayi ket abaen mi ka po, ta main kayin ibalita kammo, kaka. |
If possible we(excl) would like to disturb you, because we(excl) have something to tell you, Sir. |
d. |
No malyadi dayi ket abaen la ka po, ta main hilan ibalita kammo, kaka. |
If possible they would like to disturb you, because they have something to tell you, Sir. |
|
(598) |
a. |
Aya nayi ti labay mon ibalita? |
What do you like to tell? |
b. |
Aya nayi ti labay mon diyagen? |
What do you like to do? |
c. |
Aya nayi ti labay mon habiyen? |
What do you like to say? |
d. |
Aya nayi ti labay mon tongtongen? |
What do you like to converse? |
e. |
Aya nayi ti labay mon ibalita? |
What do you like to tell? |
|
(599) |
a. |
Way-ihtew ya ye ahawa mo? |
Where is your spouse? |
b. |
Way-ihtew ya ye anak mo? |
Where is your child? |
c. |
Way-ihtew ya ye bapa mo? |
Where is your father? |
d. |
Way-ihtew ya ye indo mo? |
Where is your mother? |
e. |
Way-ihtew ya ye ahawa mo? |
Where is your spouse? |
|
(600) |
Ihtew ya ha banwa. |
She is in town. |
|
(601) |
a. |
Magbalingatngat ka po dayi! |
Have a merienda first! |
b. |
Mamigat ka po dayi! |
Have breakfast first! |
c. |
Mangaldaw ka po dayi! |
Have lunch first! |
d. |
Mandem ka po dayi! |
Have supper first! |
|
(602) |
Agya ahe ana. Noba tawayan ko makandi. |
Even so not now. But I will taste a little bit. |
|
There are two particles denoting a question: la'we and nayi (see C.6.3.2.2 and C.4.1). Lawe is used more frequently than nayi and there is the tendency that it is used in 'normal' questions. It also tends to be the more polite particle (if used with
a 'soft voice'). The word nayi more than lawe tends to adds the notion of wonder, surprise, fright or anger etc. if the intonation is accordingly, i.e. if you raise your
voice, otherwise it is a 'normal' question. Both of these particles can be used in any question, but they are usually left
out in questions which contain a interrogative pronoun like Aya 'what' or papano 'how'. They may even left out in questions which contain no interrogative pronoun and require 'yes' or 'no' as answer, but they
are most commonly used in these type of questions.
The position of these particles within the sentence is as follows:
-
Non complex sentences
In general, the question particle is placed before the topic of the sentence, but in the case of a personal pronoun topic
it comes after it. In detail one can observe the following:
- In nonverbal clauses which take the form of commend+topic
- In yes-no questions (which require yes or no as answer and have no interrogative pronoun)
- After comment and topic, if the topic is represented by a personal pronoun:
(603) |
Amerikano ya nayi? |
Is he an Americano? |
|
- Otherwise between comment and topic:
(604) |
a. |
Hohto lawe ye taloh nan hiyati? |
Is the meaning of this right? |
b. |
Hohto lawe yain? |
Is that correct? |
|
- In information questions which contain an interrogative pronoun that takes the place of the comment
- After the pers.pron.topic:
(605) |
a. |
Way-omen kawo lawe? |
How are you(PL)? |
b. |
Way-ihtew ya nayi ye ama mo? |
Where is your uncle? |
|
- Before the non pers.pron.topic but after other particles and pluralizers:
(606) |
a. |
Papano lawe ye kabi-ayan tawo? |
How are our means of life? |
b. |
Way-omen lawe ye bi-ay mo? |
How is your life? |
c. |
Aya met lawe ye ngalan mo? |
And what is your name? |
d. |
Aya hila lawe yati? |
What are these? |
e. |
Makano nayi ye ioli mo? |
When will you go home? |
|
- In pseudo verb complex sentences
- Between the two clauses, before the linker (often taking the linker):
(607) |
a. |
Malyadi lawey makiplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it possible to practice the Ayta language? |
b. |
Malyadi ako lawen mag-odong? |
May I come back? |
c. |
Malyadi nayi nin damen ko ye etak mo? |
Is it possible that I borrow your bolo? |
|
- In yes-no questions
- After the personal pronoun topic:
(608) |
Moli kayna nayi? |
Are you going home now? |
|
- Before the non pers.pron.topic:
(609) |
Tanda mo lawe ye maghabin Ayta? |
Do you know how to speak Ayta? |
|
- In information questions (after the personal pronoun topic)
(610) |
a. |
Way-ihtew kawo lawe ibat? |
Where are you(P) coming from? |
b. |
Ta makew ka nayi ha banwa? |
Why will you go to town? |
c. |
Way-ihtew ka lawe makew mabekah? |
Where are you going tomorrow? |
d. |
Ta ahe ka nayi nakew? |
Way did you not go? |
|
- In existential/possessional clauses
- Between the pers.pron. and the linker:
(611) |
a. |
Main kayna lawen ahawa? |
Do you have a spouse already? |
b. |
Main kayna nayi nin ahawa? |
Do you have a spouse already? |
|
5.1 Meals
- Merienda.
The Aytas use to have meriendas where they drink coffee or eat fruits, but often a merienda takes the place of a main meal
because of lack of food. If they go to the field they take a merienda along.
- Main meals.
There are usually three main meals: breakfast, lunch and supper. The main ingrediance is rice, but if there is no rice they
drink just coffee or wild honey mixed with water. If they cannot find honey they eat any kind of fruits (if they have no rice)
or root crops (for example wild Ubi) as main meal.
The Aytas are also deer hunters using self made traps (made out of ropes). They even eat the meat if the animal is dead for
a few days already.
- Offering food.
If you visit the Aytas they may offer you food, if they have. You can hardly refuse if you want to be polite. So you should
taste a little bit at least (see C.6.1). The Aytas are generally poor. If an Ayta visits you in your house you should offer something to eat and to drink: coffee,
cockies, sweet rice soup or whatever you have. They would be glad to get some 'wine', which of course you will not offer to
them.
Note the usage of the small commands in C.6.3.1.1. They are o.k. if you invite the person to come to you (all but Lomwah ka!) But used in this form when sending the person away: Lomwah ka! 'Go out' would indicate that you are angry with the person. You could say Pangingalo mo ta lomwah ka 'please go out' instead, but it is not the custom to send people away.
(612) |
a. |
Manaliw ako po man. |
Please let me buy something. |
b. |
Ayay haliwen mo? |
What are you going to buy? |
c. |
Manyono ye bili nin pap? |
How much is one pop (cola)? |
d. |
Manyokloy peho. |
Three pesos. |
e. |
Biyan mo ko nin magha. |
Give me one. |
f. |
Anti ya ye hokli mo. |
Here is your change. |
|
Verbs
(613) |
a. |
manaliw |
buy, AV, CTPLT |
b. |
haliwen |
buy, OV, CTPLT |
c. |
biyan |
give,GV, CTPLT |
|
Adverbs
Distributive Numeral
Interrogative Pronoun
Nouns
(617) |
a. |
bili |
price, cost |
b. |
pap |
pop cola |
c. |
peho |
peso |
d. |
hokli |
change (Tag.suk'li) |
|
Interjection
(619) |
a. |
Manaliw ako po man. |
Please let me buy (something). |
b. |
Maglako ako po man. |
Please let me sell (something). |
c. |
Mangan ako po man. |
Please let me eat (something). |
d. |
Matoloy ako po man. |
Please let me sleep. |
e. |
Magpainawa ako po man. |
Please let me rest. |
|
(620) |
a. |
Ayay haliwen mo? |
What are you going to buy? |
b. |
Ayay ilako mo? |
What are you going to sell? |
c. |
Ayay kanen mo? |
What are you going to eat? |
d. |
Ayay inomen mo? |
What are you going to drink? |
e. |
Ayay diyagen mo? |
What are you going to make? |
|
(621) |
a. |
Manyono ye bili nin pap? |
How much is a pop cola? |
b. |
Manyono ye bili nin tinapay? |
How much is bread? |
c. |
Manyono ye bili nin higadilyo? |
How much is a cigarette? |
d. |
Manyono ye bili nin alak? |
How much is liquor? |
e. |
Manyono ye bili nin beyah? |
How much is milled rice? |
|
(622) |
a. |
Manyokloy piho. |
It's three pesos each. |
b. |
Manilwa piho. |
It's two pesos each. |
c. |
Manyepat piho. |
It's four pesos each. |
d. |
Manilima piho. |
It's five pesos each. |
e. |
Manipo piho. |
It's ten pesos each. |
|
(623) |
a. |
Biyan mo ko nin magha. |
Give me one. |
b. |
Pangwa mo ko nin magha. |
Bring me one. |
c. |
Pandakep mo ko nin magha. |
Catch me one. |
d. |
Pa'muda mo ko nin magha |
Pick me one. |
e. |
Pamoti mo ko nin magha |
Pick me one. |
f. |
Pamili mo ko nin magha. |
Select me one. |
|
(624) |
a. |
Anti ya ye hokli mo. |
Here is your change. |
b. |
Anti ya ye etak mo. |
Here is your bolo. |
c. |
Anti ya ye pilak mo. |
Here is your money. |
d. |
Anti ya ye kowalta mo. |
Here is your money. |
e. |
Anti ya ye damwag mo. |
Here is your water buffalo. |
f. |
Anti ya ye anak mo. |
Here is your child. |
|
There are three ways of telling the price.
The most common one is found in column 1. The meaning is '___ peso each'.
(625) |
a. |
Mameho. (irreg.) |
Timaghay peho. |
It's one peso each. |
b. |
Manilway peho. |
Tiluay peho. |
It's one peso each. |
c. |
Manyokloy peho. |
Tiokloy peho. |
It's one peso each. |
d. |
Manyepat a peho. |
Tiapat a peho. |
It's one peso each. |
e. |
Manilimay peho. |
Tilimay peho. |
It's one peso each. |
f. |
Manyenem a peho. |
Tiyenem a peho. |
It's one peso each. |
g. |
Manipitoy peho. |
Tipitoy peho. |
It's one peso each. |
h. |
Maniwaloy peho. |
Tiwaloy peho. |
It's one peso each. |
i. |
Manihiyam a peho. |
Tihiyam a peho. |
It's one peso each. |
j. |
Manipo a peho. |
Tipo a peho. |
It's one peso each. |
|
The third possible form is simply the cardinal number+LK, e.g. mag'hay ('peho).
From 11 to 19 the forms are as follows:
(626) |
a. |
Manilain maghay peho. |
11 pesos each |
b. |
Manilabin loway peho. |
12 pesos each |
c. |
etc. |
|
|
All other forms are formed accordingly: mani + cardinal numbers
- People buy most commonly wine, cigarettes, tinapay, beer, cooking oil, garlic, black pepper, salt and salted fish.
- If you have something made by the Aytas they often like (milled) rice as payment.
- If there is a good harvest of rice the people sell some of it at the public market in Mayantoc to be able to buy other things
like GI for the roof of their house.
- Biyan mo ko nin magha 'give me one' is a polite way to say it. However, to be even more polite you can say: Biyan mo ko man nin magha 'Please give me one.' Man has the meaning 'please' as in Ilokano.
- The form mani- in C.7.4 is unique Ayta Abellen.
(627) |
a. |
AS: Way-ihtew ka makew? |
Where are you going? |
b. |
LL: Kanan kaka Luding. Hika nayi? |
To older brother Luding. And you? |
c. |
AS: Ihen bengat. |
Just over there. |
d. |
LL: Madaem haanin. |
It's cloudy today. |
e. |
AS: Awo. Malyadi kitan maytongtong. |
Yes. We are able to converse. |
f. |
LL: Noba naapon maamot. |
But yesterday it was hot. |
g. |
AS: Awo. Peteg a maamot naapon. |
Yes. It was really hot yesterday. |
h. |
Bilewen mo yain nin maowep! |
Look at those dark clouds! |
i. |
LL: Mangodan ya kadihko. |
Maybe it will rain. |
j. |
AS: Ampangodan ana! |
It's raining already! |
k. |
LL: Awo. Malge ana. Omamey kita. |
It's strong already. Let's take shade. |
|
Adverbs
(628) |
a. |
ihen |
over there |
b. |
peteg |
really, true |
c. |
kadihko |
maybe |
d. |
malge |
strong |
|
Verbs
(629) |
a. |
maytongtong |
converse AV, CTPLT |
b. |
bilewen |
look, OV, CTPLT |
c. |
mangodan |
rain, AV, CTPLT |
d. |
ampangodan |
rain, AV, CONT |
e. |
umamey |
take shelter, AV, CTPLT |
|
Adjectives
(630) |
a. |
madaem |
cloudy (normal) |
b. |
maamot |
hot |
c. |
maowep |
cloudy (dark) |
|
Pronoun
(632) |
a. |
Makew ako kanan kaka Luding. |
I'm going to older brother Luding. |
b. |
Makew ako kanan dada Pilahia. |
I'm going to aunt Pilahia. |
c. |
Makew ako kanan ali Silyang. |
I'm going to younger brother Sily. |
d. |
Makew ako kanan ama Bili. |
I'm going to uncle Bili. |
e. |
Makew ako kanan angken Duming. |
I'm going to nephew Duming. |
f. |
Makew ako kanan kaka Luding. |
I'm going to older brother Luding. |
g. |
Makew ako kanan |
I'm going to older brother Luding. |
|
(633) |
a. |
Hika nayi way lakwen mo? |
And where are you (SG) going? |
b. |
Hiya nayi way lakwen na? |
And where is he going? |
c. |
Hikita nayi way lakwen ta? |
And where is our (DU IN) going? |
d. |
Hikitawo nayi way lakwen tawo? |
And where is our (PL IN) going? |
e. |
Hikawo nayi way lakwen yo? |
And where are you (PL) going? |
f. |
Hika nayi way lakwen mo? |
And where are you (SG) going? |
|
(634) |
a. |
Madaem haanin. |
It's cloudy today. |
b. |
Maamot haanin. |
It's hot today. |
c. |
Maodan haanin. |
It's rainy today. |
d. |
Matapok haanin. |
It's dusty today. |
e. |
Maliteh haanin. |
It's very dark clouded today. |
f. |
Madaem haanin. |
It's cloudy today. |
|
(635) |
a. |
Awo. Malyadi kitan maytongtong. |
Yes. We are able to converse. |
b. |
Awo. Malyadi kitan mikno. |
Yes. We are able to sit down . |
c. |
Awo. Malyadi kitan komodang. |
Yes. We are able to walk. |
d. |
Awo. Malyadi kitan mangabala. |
Yes. We are able to work. |
e. |
Awo. Malyadi kitan maytongtong. |
Yes. We are able to converse. |
|
(636) |
a. |
Noba naapon maamot. |
But yesterday it was hot. |
b. |
Noba ha kaingitan, maamot. |
But in the rainy season it was hot. |
c. |
Noba hiya ha napalabah a dominggo, maamot. |
But last week it was hot. |
d. |
Noba nangon maamot. |
But earlier it was hot. |
e. |
Noba hiya ha napalabah a bowan maamot. |
But last month it was hot. |
|
(637) |
a. |
Awo. Peteg a maamot naapon. |
Yes. It was really hot yesterday. |
b. |
Awo. Peteg a maamot nangon. |
Yes. It was really hot earlier. |
c. |
Awo. Peteg a maamot ha kaingitan. |
Yes. It was really in the rainy season. |
d. |
Awo. Peteg a maamot hiya ha napalabah a dominggo. |
Yes. It was really hot last week. |
e. |
Awo. Peteg a maamot hiya ha napalabah a bowan. |
Yes. It was really hot last month. |
|
(638) |
a. |
Bilewen mo yain nin maowep! |
Look at those very dark clouds! |
b. |
Bilewen mo yain nin malge a odan! |
Look at the very strong rain! |
c. |
Bilewen mo yain nin matapok a tobat! |
Look that it is very much dusty! |
d. |
Bilewen mo yain nin maayepayep! |
Look at those strong winds! |
e. |
Bilewen mo yain nin madalaidi a manged! |
Look at those just drizzling! |
f. |
Bilewen mo yain nin maowep! |
Look at those very dark clouds! |
|
Example: odan 'rain'
Frames:
(639) |
a. |
PRF: Nangodan ya naapon. |
It rained yesterday. |
b. |
CONT: Ampangodan ya haanin. |
It's raining today. |
c. |
CTPLT: Mangodan ya kadihko mabekah. |
Maybe it will rain tomorrow. |
|
Any of the following can be substituted in the frames:
kodol 'thunder'
(640) |
a. |
PRF: nandol |
b. |
CONT: ampandol |
c. |
CTPLT: mandol |
|
ayep 'wind'
(641) |
a. |
CMP: nag-ayep |
b. |
PROG: ampag-ayep |
c. |
CTPLT: mag-ayep |
|
tapok 'dust'
(642) |
a. |
PRF: natapok |
b. |
CONT: ampagtapok |
c. |
CTPLT: matapok |
|
maamot 'hot'
(643) |
a. |
PRF: nag-amot |
b. |
CONT: ampag-amot |
c. |
CTPLT: mag-amot |
|
owep 'cloud'
(644) |
a. |
PRF: nag-owep |
b. |
CONT: ampag-owep |
c. |
CTPLT: mag-owep |
|
dalaydi 'drizzle'
(645) |
a. |
CMP: nanalaydi |
b. |
PROG: ampagdalaydi |
c. |
PRP: magdalaydi |
|
- Note that Kanan kaka Lu'ding in C.8.1 is elliptical. The full form is Makew ako kanan kaka Luding 'I'm going to older brother Luding.'
- If the location (where you go to etc.) is personal, DAT pronouns are used, even in combination with names - see 5.1: kanan or kana nin, where -n or nin is a LK.
- The expression of strength varies with the object described. For example:
(646) |
a. |
malge |
strong (rain, wind) |
b. |
makdey |
strong (man, animal) |
c. |
maple |
(water, flood, river, earthquake) |
|
- Hypothesis: The personal pronouns hiya and ya 'he/she' (EMPH and NOM) are also used as neuter pronouns, as in:
(647) |
a. |
Noba hiya ha napalaba... |
But last... (see 3.5). |
b. |
Mangodan ya kadihko. |
Maybe it will rain (see C.8.1). |
|
- If you meet someone in the hot sun you don't talk much,
(648) |
Awo. Malyadin kitan maytongtong. |
Yes. We are able to converse (because it's cloudy) |
|
- Topics of conversation if some Ayta friends meet after some time are: where to go to, where to come from, the work (farming,
earnings, enviting each other to lay out traps to catch wild pigs), kind of life in the mountains, family (sometimes, because
of jealousy, marriage separation), the old times, sometimes the weather.
(649) |
a. |
AS: Labay mo lawe ihti ha Pilipinah? |
Do you like it here in the Philippines? |
b. |
LL: Awo, labay ko, ta mahimpet ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it, because the people here are friendly. |
c. |
AS: Papanoyna ye kaboyot mo ihti? |
How long are you already here? |
d. |
LL: Tatlo boy kapaldowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I've been here already for three and a half years. |
e. |
Kokoyna ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
I'm going now because I still will go to many other places. |
f. |
Malyadi lawe a mag-odong ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it possible for me to come back to practice the Ayta language? |
g. |
AS: Malyadi. |
It's possible. |
h. |
LL: Labay kon maadal ye habin Ayta. |
I like to study the Ayta language. |
i. |
Leng-en mo man no hohto paghabi ko nin Ayta. Malake a haglap mo kangko yati. |
Please listen, if my speaking Ayta is correct. This is a big help to me. |
|
(650) |
Labay mo lawe ihti ha Pilipinah? |
Do you like it here in the Philippines? |
|
(651) |
a. |
Awo, labay ko, ta mahimpet ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are friendly. |
b. |
Awo, labay ko, ta manged ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are good. |
c. |
Awo, labay ko, ta mahipeg ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are industrious. |
d. |
Awo, labay ko, ta matiga ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are clean. |
e. |
Awo, labay ko, ta maayoh ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are tidy. |
f. |
Awo, labay ko, ta mahimpet ti tatao ihti. |
Yes, I like it because the people here are friendly. |
|
(652) |
Papanoyna ye kaboyot mo ihti? |
How long are you already here? |
|
(653) |
a. |
Tatlo boy kapaldowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for three and a half years. |
b. |
Maghaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for one year. |
c. |
Magha boy kapaldowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for one and a half years. |
d. |
Lowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for two years. |
e. |
Lowa boy kapaldowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for two and a half years. |
f. |
Lowa boy tatlon ikapat anay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for two and three fourth years. |
g. |
Tatloynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for three years. |
h. |
Tatlo boy maghay ikapat anay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for three and one fourth years. |
i. |
Tatlo boy kapaldowaynay taon ko ihti. |
I'm here already for three and a half years. |
|
(654) |
a. |
Kokoyna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
I'm going now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
b. |
Moli akoyna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
I'm going home now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
c. |
Makew akoyna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
I'm going now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
d. |
Intayna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
Let's go now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
e. |
Tayna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
Let's go now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
f. |
Kokoyna, ta malabong po ye lakwen ko. |
I'm going now, because I still have to go to many other places. |
|
(655) |
a. |
Malyadi lawe a mag-odong ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it ok that I come back to practice the Ayta language? |
b. |
Malyadi lawe a makew ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it ok that I go to practice the Ayta language? |
c. |
Malyadi lawe a makilakew ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it ok that I go (with someone) to practice the Ayta language? |
d. |
Malyadi lawe a moli ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it ok that I go home to practice the Ayta language? |
e. |
Malyadi lawe a mag-odong ako po a magplaktih nin habin Ayta? |
Is it ok that I come back to practice the Ayta language? |
|
(656) |
a. |
Labay kon maadal ye habin Ayta. |
I like to study the Ayta language. |
b. |
Labay kon maadal ye maghakay ha damwag. |
I like to study riding on a water buffalo. |
c. |
Labay kon maadal ye manyag nin tambong-tambong. |
I like to study the making of tambong-tambong. |
d. |
Labay kon maadal ye mananem nin paday. |
I like to study the planting of rice. |
e. |
Labay kon maadal ye ogali nin Ayta. |
I like to study the Ayta culture. |
f. |
Labay kon maadal ye habin Ayta. |
I like to study the Ayta language. |
|
(657) |
a. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin Ayta. |
Please listen if may speaking Ayta is correct. |
b. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin Ilokano. |
Please listen if may speaking Ilokano is correct. |
c. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin Tagalog. |
Please listen if may speaking Tagalog is correct. |
d. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin Ingles. |
Please listen if may speaking English is correct. |
e. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin German. |
Please listen if may speaking German is correct. |
f. |
Leng-en mo man no hohtoy paghabi ko nin Ayta. |
Please listen if may speaking Ayta is correct. |
|
(658) |
a. |
Malake a haglap mo kangko yati. |
This is a big help of yours to me. |
b. |
Malake a haglap mo kana yati |
This is a big help of yours to him. |
c. |
Malake a haglap mo kammi yati |
This is a big help of yours to us(excl). |
d. |
Malake a haglap mo kanla yati |
This is a big help of yours to them. |
e. |
Malake a haglap mo kangko yati |
This is a big help of yours to me. |
|
There are several other languages spoken in the area where the Ayta Abenlen live, mainly Ilokano and Botolan Sambal, but not
much Tagalog. It depends on the people to talk to which language is used by the Ayta Abellen. This is even more the case now
after the eruption of mount Pinatubo, since people from other language group moved into the area. People are in general very
willing and helpful when someone wants to learn their language. Also people like to talk.
The main linker (LK) at the NP level is -y, which is replaced by a following a word ending on a consonant:
(659) |
a. |
lowa=yna=y |
taon |
two=already=LK |
year |
|
|
|
b. |
malake |
a |
haglap |
big |
LK |
help |
|
|
|
But the linker -n (which might be a borrowing) may be used instead of -y:
(660) |
tatlo=n |
ikapat |
three=LK |
fourth |
|
Complement clauses are most often added to certain clauses which include pseude-verb clauses using determiners. The non-topic
determiner -n (=nin/ne) precedes the complement clause,
- If the main clause includes a personal pronoun:
(661) |
Labay |
ko=n |
maadal |
ye |
habi=n |
Ayta. |
like |
1SG=GEN |
study |
NOM |
language=LK |
Ayta |
|
- If the main clause does not include a personal pronoun and the complement clause is not in actor voice:
(662) |
Malyadi |
lawe=n |
edamen |
ko |
ye |
etak |
mo? |
possible |
QUES=LK |
borrow |
1SG.GEN |
NOM |
machete |
2SG.GEN |
|
- If the main clause does not include a personal pronoun then the complement clause is preceded by the topic determiner -y (=ye), when the complement clause is an actor voice clause:
(663) |
Malyadi |
lawe=y |
makiplaktih |
kamo |
nin |
habi=n |
Ayta? |
possible |
QUES=NOM |
practice |
2SG.DAT |
GEN |
language=LK |
Ayta? |
|
- If the speaker does not intend to give prominence to any of the clauses of the sentence then the linker a is used. The meaning is then usually 'to' or 'in order to':
(664) |
Malyadi |
lawe |
a |
mag-odong |
ako |
po |
a |
magplaktih |
nin |
habi=n |
Ayta? |
may |
QUES |
LK |
come.back |
1SG.NOM |
yet |
LK |
practice |
GEN |
language=GEN |
Ayta |
|
(665) |
|
Abbreviation |
Meaning |
ADJ |
Adjective |
ADV |
Adverb |
APT |
Aptative mode |
ASSOC |
Associative |
AV |
Actor voice |
CAUS |
Causative |
COLL |
Collective |
COMP |
Complementizer |
CONT |
Continuous aspect |
CTPLT |
Contemplated aspect |
CV |
Conveyance voice |
D |
Determiner |
D' |
Determiner' |
DAT |
Dative case |
DEM |
Demonstrative |
DET |
Detransitive |
DIM |
Diminuative |
DIS |
Distributive mode |
DP |
Determiner phrase |
DUP |
Reduplication |
DUR |
Durative mode |
EMPH |
Emphatic |
EXT |
Existential |
EXCL |
Exclusive |
FLEx |
FieldWorks Language Explorer |
GEN |
Genitive case |
GER |
Gerundizer |
GV |
Goal voice |
I' |
Inflection |
INCL |
Inclusive |
INST |
Instantaneous action |
INV |
Inversion |
IP |
Inflectional phrase |
LNK |
Linker |
N |
Noun |
N' |
Noun' |
NLP |
Natural language processing |
NOM |
Nominative case |
NP |
Noun Phrase |
OPT |
Optative mood |
ORD NUM |
Ordinal number |
OV |
Object voice |
PA |
Prolonged action |
PFV |
Perfective aspect |
PL |
Plural action mode |
Pron |
Pronoun |
PV |
Patient voice |
REC |
Reciprocal action mode |
REQ |
Social request mode |
RES |
Respect particle |
RHET |
Rhetorical question marker |
SG |
Singular |
SOC |
Social request mode |
SPEC |
Specifier |
STA |
Stative mode |
SUP |
Superlative |
TM |
Topic marker |
VP |
Verb phrase |
VSO |
Verb-Subject-Object |
|
Endnotes
[1] |
Many thanks go to the Ayta Abellen speakers in those barrios, especially to Mr. Leonardo Francisco and Mr. Rodante Capiendo,
who were my main language assistants.
|
[2] |
The phonetic symbols used in this paper are those found in Pike (1947). Stress marks precede stressed syllables. Stress in
CVC.CVC roots is not marked as it varies freely.
|
[3] |
[pçʔ] /pçʔ/ `still; first' ["dam"wag] /damwag/ `water buffalo' ["baəy]~[ba"əy] /baəy/ `house' [ha"ʔa] /ha"ʔa/ `banana' [kabó"nçʔ]
/kabó"nçʔ/ `enemy' ['dalaʔî"dîʔ] /'dalaʔî"dîʔ/ `to drizzle' No study has been done on this yet.
|
[4] |
This example and the next are not good examples in that they each consist of two morphemes (mag-+gapa and kaN-+mi), but they nevertheless support the present interpretation.
|
[5] |
The two m in the word kammi clearly belong to two syllables since it comes from kaN- + mi; the N- assimilates to the following m.
|
[6] |
The usage of lengthened vowels should be studied in depts to find clear patterns. As is seems gerundivizing prefixes are often
lengthened, for example the a in panggawa 'clearing' is clearly a long vowel.
|
[7] |
It has been questioned if this vowel really is a back vowel. To my ears it is, but others may hear a mid vowel.
|
[8] |
In the "southern dialect" (spoken in Maamot) I (Nitsch) have found another phone (something like a palatal voiceless fricative
[x]) that is probably a allophone of the phoneme /h/. Presently I am collecting data that contain this sound which is quite rare. It should be included in this paper at a later
date.
|
[9] |
"Unreleased" for this and the following stops means either that its articulation ends at the same time or after the end of
the breath stream (utterance final), or that a second consonant is articulated before the first is released (unreleased transition).
|
[10] |
It is used at least in Tangantangan in the south of the language area.
|
[11] |
K is always used for /k/ except in names which are traditionally spelled with c.
|
[12] |
I would like to try not writing the glottal stop /ʔ/ at all the reason being the difficulty others have had teaching speakers of related languages to write this stop. According
to Jenny Golden, the people don't like to write the glottal stop using the symbol -, and if they write it they do so inconsistently.
Also, Jenny stated, "The people know their language"; they know where the glottal stops are. The hyphen (-) could then unmistakably
be used for other purposes (compound words, reiteration of whole stems, etc.). One exception might be necessary, i.e., in
cases of ambiguity or when reading a word otherwise becomes a real stumbling-block, like in boko `bone', were the glottal stop follows the /k/ (bok-o) .
|
[13] |
/h/ occurs frequently in Ayta Abellen as it replaces /s/ in many borrowed words. /s/ is not an indigenous phoneme but is often used in borrowed words. So h should be used to symbolize /h/, and s should be kept for borrowed words usually pronounced using /s/.
|
[14] |
The semivowels /w/ and /y/ should not be used to separate vowel clusters where one vowel is a high vowel as is done in some cases in Filipino, since
Ilokano, the lingua franca, does not do this.
(i) |
a. |
/hiam/ |
hiam |
nine |
b. |
/loa/ |
lua |
two |
|
|
[15] |
For /e/ [ə] I again would like to follow the Ilokano and Botolan Sambal way of symbolizing, i.e., to use e. The advantage would be to keep the symbols simple. It needs to be tested, however, what affect this would have on the pronunciation
of loan words which contain [e]. A solution might be to spell those words withi, or to keep the e and possibly have some of those words mispronounced initially with an [ə].
|
[16] |
O is used to symbolize /o/ [ɔ] , [o], [ó] since the [ó] is pronounced close to [o] (which sometimes is close to [ɔ]). So [o] best represents this morpheme. Initially I followed the Ilokano orthography where u is used in penultimate and antepenultimate syllables but becomes o in the final syllable, but I now follow the Botolan Sambal and Tina Sambal orthography using only one symbol to make learning
to read and write easier. The preference of indigenous speakers should be observed on this point .
|
[17] |
This word ends on the glottal stop.
|
[18] |
For the occurring n-m metastasis see 3.8.
|
[19] |
For the occurring h-deletion and vowel raising see 3.2.2 and 3.4 and 3.6.
|
[20] |
For the occurring consonant assimilation to point of articulation see 3.5.2.
|
[21] |
For the occurring assimilation see 3.5.
|
[22] |
For the occurring syllable and vowel raising see 3.6.
|
[23] |
The low stress marker marks secondary stress.
|
[24] |
This is done in the northern dialect of Labney.
|
[25] |
This is done in the northern dialect of Labney.
|
[26] |
Usually the N- assimilates to ng- before o.
|
[27] |
This includes the vowels i, a, o. No example has been found for the vowel e.
|
[28] |
This is a rare assimilation; it may fluctuate with pan-.
|
[29] |
But the form kanmi exists besides the form kammi.
|
[30] |
But the form kalla exists besides the form kanla.
|
[31] |
Both forms are correct.
|
[32] |
Note that in all of the following examples a high vowel changes its position from the syllable peak to the syllable onset
or coda whereby its function changes from a vowel to a consonant.
|
[33] |
Another way of looking at it is that the pluralization of some nouns just involves lengthening of V1.
|
[34] |
The order given is based on a relativly small body of text. More reseach needs to be done to confirm of correct this analysis.
|
[35] |
It was suggested by one analyst that the cranberry-morph (pseudo morpheme) ih- may originate from the misunderstood Spanish
esta 'it is' with changing the stressed final syllable into the similar Abenlen deictic elements. Ih- is most of the time
pronounced as [eh] (there is range in pronounciation), which led to this hypothesis (because of the more open Spanish vowel).
[e] is found in Abenlen only in these Class II demonstative pronouns and in (other) borrowed words. But this may only be a
mere coincidence since ihti fits well into the pattern of the other demonstrative pronouns.
|
[36] |
These full form emphatic demonstrative pronouns have phonological variants, i.e., i- instead of hi-, for example iyabayin ‘that’.
|
[37] |
An example of this demonstrative has not yet been found.
|
[38] |
The case-marker ne is only used in the northern part of the language area (around Labney, Mayantoc, Tarlac).
|
[39] |
In Ayta Abellen the complement of the pseudo-verb is not a complement in the traditional sense since a complement is traditionally
defined as valency dependent to another constituent which here would be the pseudo-verb. In Ayta Abenlen it depends on the
syntactic structure of the complement which ‘connector’ between the pseudo-verb and the ‘complement’ is used.
|
[40] |
Nitsche had originally labelled these as ABS, ERG/GEN, and OBL.
|
[41] |
The use of ti is an obvious borrowing from Ilokano.
|
[42] |
Ilokano borrowing.
|
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